Finding John Brown

Dad used to tell a little story about a cousin of his named “Euness Hankins”, a daughter of Great Aunt Bea. They were always friends when they wereyoung. They had also both heard family stories of being Cherokee. Well Dad heard she had found out something new about our Indian heritage, and so he asked her what she found. Now dad told me this story, because I asked him about our Indian heritage at some point. He said Eunice replied to his query; “Oh, you just want that Indian money.” Well this so embarrassed Dad that he just let the topic go. I am not sure if Dad ever spoke to her after that. But that little story made me think there might be proof of our Indian heritage, somewhere, is some document, somewhere.

I have written quite a bit about our Gist/Guess ancestors in my blog, but haven't touched much upon my Brown's. Recently we have had a huge breakthrough, and I wanted to share it. I'd like to start with Aunt Lorena's letter. Most of Dad's brothers and sister's had passed on, but I remembered Aunt Lorena. I knew she and mom were best friends growing up, and they still talked all the time on the telephone. So I wrote her a letter asking her about our Indian ancestry. She wrote me a letter and here is a small section of it.:Dad told me about a story his grandmother had told him. Dad said she was thumbing through his Oklahoma history book. She had pointed to a picture of an Indian in the book, and dad said she told him, “Do you know you are related to him?” The whole family thought it was Sequoyah, because her mother's maiden name was “Guess”. Here is part of what Aunt Lorena wrote me.

I remember more about what our mother told us than grandmother Richey. We
had a wonderful grandmother and I suppose she talked more about Sequoyah to the
boys than to us girls. Alpha was almost 6 years older than I. She was a Brown before
she married grandfather Richey. Her mother was a Guess before she married great
grandfather Brown. I think mama said she was a niece of George Guess, “Sequoyah”.

Well, I've talked a great deal about searching our Guess/Gist ancestors. Today I will cover the “Brown” part. The person Aunt Lula called called “grandmother Richey” was my great grandma, and her maiden name was Josephine Brown. Her father, David B. Brown, appears in a tax list in 1847 in Walker County, Alabama with his father, John Brown. In 1848 David appears on a tax list in Lawrence County, Arkansas with the following family: Tracing them before 1820 when John Brown married Polly [Mary] Black has been difficult. Now family story says they were Cherokee but we can't prove it. And do you know how many Cherokees there were named “John Brown” who were alive during his lifetime? We have found three on the Reservation Rolls, alone! And I suspect there were others NOT on the Reservation Rolls. Also, while researching our family, I have found several other people, who are not federally enrolled, like us, who claim to descend from a Cherokee named “John Brown”, and NONE of them were OUR John Brown. So I really got discouraged. How can I determine which John Brown is which? I tried to get information from the NARA offices in Fort Worth but they refused to help me. They said I had to go down there myself. I became discouraged, and let it slide. I searched for our ancestors in Indian rolls, census records, county documents, and other historical papers.

Here is much of what we know, at present.

In Alabama. John Brown married Polly Black. Dec 23, 1820 in Lawrence County, Alabama.
This marriage is found in early Lawrence County, Alabama marriage records. John
Brown was married in Lawrence County, Alabama in 1820. 1830 census Lawrence County, Alabama
John Brown 111000001, 2112001. Three males fifteen or under, 2 females five or under, 2 females between 5 and 15 years of age, and 2 females between 15-20. Mary 40-50, and there is no male the age of OUR John Brown, but there is an elder male 60-70 years old. He would have been the head of household, and his name was John Brown. They live near the Emanuel McNutt household where John’s son, David’s future wife lives. There is also a William McNutt nearby. He appears to be Emanuel McNutt's father. Emanuel was Harriet Guess/Gist's step-father. Harriet married David B. Brown, and they are my great great grandparents. Both William McNutt's and John Brown's appear on documents mentioned pertaining to Rachel [Havens] Gist/Guess's father, James Havens. Rachel was Harriet's mothr. All these families knew each other, and are interconnected. There is also the head of a household named “William Black” living nearby as well. Perhaps this is the family of Polly (Mary) Black, wife to John Brown. By 1840 they are living in Walker County, Alabama’s, and are listed on the Alabama census records for that year (10120001,0110101). On this census there IS a John Brown, 50-60 years old. If the elder John Brown were still in the household he is not mentioned. He is probably deceased, and he would have been 70-80 years old, at least 20 years older than the John Brown presently named as the head of the household. On 1847 tax records John Brown is still alive. A second John Brown is already deceased and his wife Hannah is mentioned. David Brown is on the same tax records. So after marrying Harriet in Shelby County, Tn (the Memphis area) in 1841, he has returned to the place of his birth. Marriage problems? Did she go with him? They had no children during those years. Perhaps we will never know. By 1850 census, my John’s widow Mary, is head of household in Walker County, Alabama,so he seems to have died between 1847 and 1850. Nothing is known of him before his marriage to “Polly” [Mary] Black. There was a “Brown’s Ferry” on the Lawrence/Limestone county lines across the Tennessee River. Melton’s Bluff is nearby. We have Gist relations who knew Jason Cloud, who knew a Cherokee named John Brown of the other Brown’s Ferry near what is today Chattanooga, Tennessee. But we have hit dead ends at this point. Maybe one day we will find more. Once we thought it was impossible to discover our branch of the Gist’s, but we have with the help of others. Maybe what is needed is for all the Brown’s to get together and compare notes. Perhaps something else. Maybe we’ll never know. (1).

Our Brown's, 1850 census, Lawrence Co., Arkansas

David B. Brown 29 farmer Ala

Harriet Brown 33 Ala

Nancy I. Brown 7 Tenn

Thomas McNutt 16 farmer Ala

Nancy A. Loony 6 Ala

Thomas Opdych 61 physician Ohio

Our “Josephine” (my great grandma) wasn't born until 1854. Harriet (Guess) Brown's last step father was Emanuel McNutt. Thomas McNutt was her half-brother. They had the same mother. Nancy I. Brown's 'real name' was Nancy I joiner. Another of Harriet's ha-f sinlings was Cynthia McNutt. Cynthia married Thomas S. E. Joiner. Nancy I. was their daughter.

In 1860 this family looked like this:

Thomas McNutt 26 laborer Ala

Orlena McNutt 25 Ala

James McNutt 21 Arkansas

Betsy A. McNutt 3/12 Ark

“ — next door is – “

David B. Brown 37 Al

Harriet Brown 43 Tn

Nancy I. Brown 17 Tn

Nancy A. Brown 15 Al

John Brown 8 Ar

Josephine Brown 6 Ar

Sarah A. Brown 3 Ar

Amanda Brown 1 Ar

Notice “Nancy A. Loony” on the 1850 census has become “Nancy A. Brown”. I cover these things in my book, “Finding Our Indian Blood”. Thomas McNutt (Harriet's half brother) had married a girl named “Orlena”. Just who is “Orlena”? This brings us to another family who had just moved to Lawrence County, Arkansas.

1860 census, Lawrence County, Arkansas

:Mary Brown 59 NC

Nancy J Brown 19 Ala

Martha L. Brown 16 Ala

(next door)

Malinda JOHNSON 34 AL Laborer

Nancy “ 13 AL

Levi “ 12 AL

David “ 10 AL

Thomas “ 1 AR

Now, who are these Brown's? Are they related to ours? Well, to answer that, we have to keep searching.

1850 Walker County, Alabama census

Mary Brown 49 NC

Linday Brown 25 Ala

Elizabeth Brown 16 Ala

Orleny Brown 15 Ala

Alfred Brown 13 Ala

Nancy Brown 10 Ala

Martha Brown 8 Ala

Syntha Brown 4 Ala

Nancy Brown (inmate) 5 Ala

Levy Brown (inmate) 3 Ala

David Brown (inmate) 1/12 Ala

How does this family compare to the 1840 census of the family of John Brown, just discussed?Keep consider that families are dynamic things, as older family membrs move out or the household or pass on, and younger family members are born. Sometimes family members get married and the spouse moves in with them. Knowing that, let us check.

males

1 – 0-5 Alfred Brown would have been 3

0 – 5-10 no mention

1 – 10-15 no mention. One researcher mentions a Nehemiah Brown who would have been 11 years.

2 – 15-20 Our David would have been one of these, abt. 17.

0 – 20-30

0 – 30-40

1 – 40-50 John Brown, would have been 70-80. He is not on the 1840 census, but another John Brown IS on the 1840 census, in the same household, who would have been 40-50 years old..This means his birth would have been between 1790-1800.

females

2 – 0-5 Nancy would have been a baby, Orlena about 5.

1 – 5-10 Elizabeth would have been 6.

1 – 10-15 Malinda would have been 15

2 – 15-20 – unknown. Ten years later they would have been 25-30 years old – perhaps married.

0 – 20-30

0 – 30-40

1 – 40-50 Our Mary (Polly) Brown would have been 39. However often there are census records that are a few years off,

The 1850 of Walker County, Alabama is the same family found in Arkansas in 1860! Notice “Orleny” and recall “Orlena” Notice “Malinda Johnson” and compare her to “Linday Brown”. Notice children named Nancy, Levi, and David. Nancy and martha are also daughters of Mary Brown, but about 10 years older in 1860. These things are NO coincidence – it is the same family. Was Malinda's son David named after Malinda's older brother, also named David, MY ancestor, David Brown? It sure seems that way, but we need proof.

Proof David B. Brown is the son of John Brown and Polly (Mary) Brown

One name missing from the 1860 census in Arkansas is Alfred Brown. Where is he? Well, it just so happens that we have found Alfred Brown in Hopkins County, Texas in the 1860 census, is 22 years old, and says he was born in Alabama. In 1870 we have the following family in Lawrence County, Arkansas;

1870 Census Lawrence County, Ar

Alfred Brown 33 laborer Al

Nancy I. Brown 25 keeping house Tn

Mary J Brown 5 Ar

Louisa Brown 3 Ark

Alice Brown 2/12 Ark

Look at his wife – Nancy I Brown. This is the same girl who was daughter to Harriet's half-sister! Her real name was Nancy I Joiner, but was known as Nancy I. Brown. This ties the two Brown families even closer. The final proof of the relationship between David and Alfred Brown can be found in the 1880 census. Per great uncle's Oscar Richey's interview for “Indian Pioneer Papers”, we find after Jeff Richey married Josephine Brown in 1872, they moved just inside Indian Territory borders near Fort Smith. However, by 1880, they had moved again to live in Denton County, Texas. Here is the census of 1880 Denton County, Tx;

1880 Census, Denton County, Texas

Jeffrey H. Richey, age 28, Ar, In, Ar

Josephine, 26, Ar, Al, Al.

Etta E., 2, Tx, Ar, Ar.

Swaney, 1, Tx, Ar, Ar.

Mandy Knight, 18, sister-in- law, Ar, Al, Al.

Mary J. Brown, 16, cousin, Ar, Al, Al.

Notice the “cousin” Mary J Brown, 16 years old and there is the census 10 years earlier of Alfred Brown with a daughter named Mary J Brown, 5 years old. Notice it says BOTH her parents were born in Alabama while she was born in Arkansas. She IS the daughter of Alfred Brown and Nancy [Joiner] Brown. Josephine is Mary's cousin if her father, David Brown, and Alfred Brown, are BROTHERS! We have not found Alfred Brown on any later census records. But with his daughter living with my family in Denton Co., Tx in 1880, I think we have made a pretty strong case that David Brown and Alfred Brown are brothers.

About John Brown, Cherokee

I was told the following by a CDIB card-carrying enrolled member of the Cherokee Nation:

John Brown, (Cherokee) in the U.S. House of Representative Private Claims, Vol. 1 Record Image Index-only record Report issue

Name: John Brown, (Cherokee) Nature of Claim: Compensation for improvement on lands relinquished

Congress: 23 Session: 1 Manner Brought:

Petition Journal Page: 50

Referred to Committee: Indian Affairs

This is the John Brown the records were connected to ........

John Brown Birth 1795 in Unknown Death 1855 in Walker County, Alabama, USA

Timeline Birth 1795 Unknown [1 Source]

Marriage to Mary Polly Black 1820 23 Dec Age: 25 Lawrence County, Alabama, USA

Alabama Marriage Collection, 1800-1969 - Its repeated 3 Times for each. 2 Sources

Residence 1840 Age: 45 Lawrence, Alabama, United States

Death 1855 Age: 60 Walker County, Alabama, USA

Wife and Children

Mary Polly Black 1801 – 1885

David B. Brown 1822 – 1865

Malinda Amanda Brown 1828 – 1880

Nehemiah Brown 1829 –

Elizabeth A. Brown 1834 – 1922

Alfred L. Brown 1837 –

Nancy Y. Brown 1840 –

Martha L. Brown 1843 –

Orleny Brown 1845 – 1889

Cynthia Brown 1846 –

John Brown in the U.S. General Land Office Records, 1796-1907 Record Image View Add alternate information Report issue Name: John Brown Issue Date: 16 Oct 1835 Acres: 80.01 Meridian: Huntsville State: Alabama County:

Winston Township: 11-S Range: 7-W Section: 25 Accession Number: AL1300__.148 Metes and Bounds: April 24, 1820: Sale-Cash Entry (3 Stat. 566) Document Number: 6954

John Brown, (Cherokee) in the U.S. House of Representative Private Claims, Vol. 1 Record Image Index-only record Report issue Name: John Brown, (Cherokee) Nature of Claim: Compensation for improvement on lands relinquished Congress: 21 Session: 1 Manner Brought: Petition Journal Page: 318 Referred to Committee: Indian A

John Brown Jr in the U.S., War of 1812 Service Records, 1812-1815 Record Image Index-only record Add alternate information Report issue Name: John Brown Jr Company: COL. MORGAN, JR.'S, REG'T CHEROKEE INDIANS. Rank - Induction: PRIVATE Rank - Discharge: PRIVATE Roll Box: 27

Prisoner Of War David was listed on a roll of prisoners from Corinth, Mississippi at Provost Marshal's Office October 14, 1862. He was at the battle of Shiloh, Pittsburg Landing Tennessee; the Battle of Iuka, Mississippi on 19 September 1862, the battle of Corinth on the 3rd & 4th; Hatchie on the 5th and 6th of October.

But still, I am trying to differentiate between my Brown's and others, to discover how they go back to the Cherokee, and if there are records that can prove it.

Searching for More Information Based on What I've Been Told

FOLKS – THAT IS US!! But HOW do they attach OUR John Brown to the one in those documents? If we can just do that, he have the connection we need. Apparently there is a record from the 21^st and 23rd session of Congress of our John Brown asking to be compensated for improvements on lands he'd relinquished, and the names of his wife and children are apparently mentioned. Some things are still not clear about this, so more work is needed to be done. Each time we find something, it leaves more questions than it actually answered . . . back to the drawing board, to seek more answers. And I wonder if this is what dad's cousin Euness found? -- that elusive proof . . .

I was able to contact someone at Congressional Archives who sent me the following information:

Dear Mr. Hawkins:

In looking at an index, I saw that your John Brown began petitioning in the 21st Congress, and in the 24th Congress a private law was enacted on his behalf.

The Library of Congress through its American Memory Project has placed online various Congressional-related publications at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/amlaw/lawhome.html

Through it you'd be able to see the one-sentence references to his submissions of petitions in the 21st, 22nd, 23rd and 24th Congresses.  Those entries are in the House Journal.  For the 21st Congress, 1st session on page 318; for the 21st Congress, 2nd session on page 163; for the 22nd Congress, 1st session on page 387; for the 22nd Congress, 2nd session on page 79; for the 23rd Congress, 1st session on page 50; and for the 24th Congress, 1st session on page 96.

You'd be able to see the law in Volume 6 of United States Statutes at Large on page 692.

I'll put in the mail to you a copy of the law as well as a printed copy of House Report 73 of the 22nd Congress, 2nd session, to accompany bill H.R. 717 (that you'd also be able to see from the same site) on behalf of James Brown and John Brown.

Typically the same petition is submitted over and over again, which would explain why I didn't see a copy when I looked in appropriate places for the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd Congress.  From the 24th Congress I'll send you a photocopy of the letter on the back of which was written "James & John Brown - March 20 1837 - Papers sent as within requested"  The front of the letter from the 2nd Auditor's Office in the Treasury Department was the request:  "You will please send to the Department of the 2nd auditor all the papers relating to an act fro the relief of James & John Brown, half breeds, of the Cherokee Nation of Indians, passed the 3rd March 1837."

If you want to pursue a quest to locate the paperwork in question, send a new e-mail to archives1reference@nara.gov  For the subject line put:  RG 217, 2nd Auditor request

In the body of the e-mail state that you're looking for the paperwork send from the House of Representatives to the Treasury Department's 2nd Auditor Office on March 9, 1837, in follow-up to a private law passed on March 3, 1837, "for the relief of James and John Brown, half breeds, of the Cherokee Nation of Indians."  Indicate that you're looking for the paperwork associated with John Brown.

Those particular records are extremely difficult to work with.  It could be that the archivist who responds will simply invite you or your designated research representative to come to the National Archives Building to attempt to locate the desired paperwork.  I don't know if that will be the case.  If it is, one option would be to contract with someone in the Washington area to undertake research on your behalf, with names on this list:

http://www.archives.gov/research/hire-help/

Sincerely,

Rodney A. Ross

Center for Legislative Archives

202-357-5350

So, someone assured me our family was the same John Brown mentioned in records found in Washington DC. I have found a Cherokee named John Brown about the same age as ours, but he at present, have no connection between that Cherokee family that ties them to our Brown's other than circumstance. I am hoping these Congressional records in Washington DC will fill up that void. I searched the web site she suggested and found a few things:

From: http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:3:./temp/~ammem_T3bO::

21^st congress, 1^st session, Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, 1829-1830
MONDAY, February 22, 1830.

Mr. Standifer presented a petition of John Brown, a citizen of the Cherokee Nation of Indians, praying to be paid for improvements made by him on lands, which were afterwards reserved by treaty between the United States and the Cherokee Indians, to a certain David Fields.

Ordered, That the said memorials and petitions be referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

21^st congress, 2^nd session

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:2:./temp/~ammem_T3bO::

On motion of Mr. Standefer,

Ordered, That the petition of John Brown, presented February 22, 1830, be referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:1:./temp/~ammem_CSSh::

source 1.

Committee: Committee of the Whole House~Committee on Indian Affairs

January 28, 1833
Read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow. Mr. Thompson, of Georgia, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported the following bill: A Bill For the relief of James Brown and John Brown, half breeds, of the Cherokee nation of Indians.

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llhb&fileName=016/llhb016.db&recNum=294

(above)

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:2:./temp/~ammem_CSSh::

Ordered, That the petitions of John Brown, presented February 22, 1830, and James Brown, Cherokee Indians, presented March 2d, 1830, be referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:3:./temp/~ammem_CSSh::

Mr. Thompson, of Georgia, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, made a report on the petitions of James Brown and John Brown, half breeds of the Cherokee nation of Indians, accompanied by a bill (No. 717) for their relief; which bill was read the first and second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow.

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:4:./temp/~ammem_CSSh::

Ordered, That the petition of John Brown, a Cherokee Indian, presented February 22, 1830, and the petition of James Brown, a Cherokee Indian, presented March 2, 1830, be referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs

The following Brown's are listed on the Reservation Rolls:; Reservation ID. 60, Alexander Brown, 61, James Brown, 62, John Brown, 63, John Brown Jr, 64, John Brown Sr, 65, Polly Brown, and 66, William Brown..David Fields was assigned the reservation #165.

James Brown

Bills and Resolutions, House of Representatives, 22nd Congress, 1st Session, Read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow. Mr. Bell, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported the following bill: A Bill For the relief of the legal representatives of James Brown.

Committee: Committee of the Whole House

February 17, 1832

Read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow. Mr. Bell, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported the following bill: A Bill For the relief of the legal representatives of James Brown.

View bill H.R. 391

1. Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, 1831-1832; FRIDAY, February 17, 1832.

Mr. Bell, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, made a report on the petition of Joseph Brown, accompanied by a bill (No. 391) for the relief of James Brown; which bill was read the first and second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow.

Bills and Resolutions, House of Representatives, 24th Congress, 1st Session, Read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow. Mr. Everett, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported the following bill: A Bill For the relief of James Brown and John Brown, half breeds, of the Cherokee nation of Indians.

---

Committee: Committee of the Whole House~Committee on Indian Affairs

February 5, 1836

Read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow. Mr. Everett, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported the following bill: A Bill For the relief of James Brown and John Brown, half breeds, of the Cherokee nation of Indians.

View bill H.R. 292

Bills and Resolutions, House of Representatives, 22nd Congress, 1st Session, Read twice, and committed to the Committee of the Whole House to which is committed the bill (H.R. No. 391) for the relief of the legal representatives of Joseph Brown. Mr. Mason, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported the following bill: A Bill For the relief of John W. Flowers, Nicholas Miller, William Drew, and Joseph Rodgers.

Committee: Committee of the Whole House~Committee on Indian Affairs

May 10, 1832

Read twice, and committed to the Committee of the Whole House to which is committed the bill (H.R. No. 391) for the relief of the legal representatives of Joseph Brown. Mr. Mason, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported the following bill: A Bill For the relief of John W. Flowers, Nicholas Miller, William Drew, and Joseph Rodgers.

View bill H.R. 570

I found the above online as a result of the email I received concerning the Cherokee Brown's. Although I knew of these Brown's, I did not know if we were talking about the same John Brown. Having one person saying this was about my Brown's gave me the will to collect as much material as I could. I have gone down so many dead geological ends in the past, what is one more?Notice the mention of a Joseph brown. I have no idea who he was, but since he was a Brown, I have saved material about him.

More Material Sent by the Archivist

Mr. L. L. Ross of the National Archives and Records Administration, 700 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, Washington, D. C. 20408-0001, mailed me a few more pages. Know that although the final document declaring they were to be paid is dated March 3^rd, 1837, they had first petitioned the government for relief in about 1829 or 1830. The document covers both James and John Brown. I have transcribed both parts. It reads as follows:

22d Congress, 2d Session [Rep. No. 73.] Ho. Of Reps.

James and John Brown

[To Accompany bill H. R. no. 717.]

Jan 28, 1833

Mr. Thompson of Georgia made the following report:

The Committee on Indian Affairs, to whom was referred the petition of James Brown, and the petition of John Brown, makes the following report:

[section on James Brown]

Te petition of James Brown alleges that he is a citizen and a half breed of the Cherokee Nation of Indians and that in pursuance of the treaty of 1819, between the United States and said Indians, he abandoned two improvements, for which he asks compensation.

The evidence submitted to the committee shows, that the improvements claimed by said James Brown, the first, as appears from the evidence, consisting of fifty-five acres of cleared land, under fence and in cultivation, with one dwelling house, one and a half stories high, nineteen feed wide by twenty-two long,, well sealed above and below, two shed rooms in the rear, piaza in front, under shingle roof, a good stone chimney, with one fire place below and one above stairs; a kitchen, smoke house, corn crib, stables, &c; and the other, consisting of forty acres of improved land, with several ordinarily good cabins, was, at the time, or immediately after the surrender of them by said James Brown, worth the sum of six hundred and forty-seven dollars. That the first of said improvements was said by said James Brown for his own special use; and that the other improvement “was made for the use of a school which the said James Brown did maintain, mostly at his own expense.” And that said James Brown abandoned said improvements to his successors, without any consideration from the State of Tennessee or any individual.”

[section on John Brown]

The petitioner, John Brown, alleges in his petition, that he is a citizen of the Cherokee Nation, and that the General Government deprived him of an improvement made by himself, by including it in a reserve granted by the United States to David Fields, for which the petitioner claims compensation. The evidence submitted by the committee proves, that the improvements for which the petitioner, John Brown, claims compensation, consisting of, as appears from the evidence, forty acres of land, enclosed and in cultivation; one grist mill and two log cabins, was, at the time the said John Brown was dispossessed, worth the sum of three hundred and thirty dollars, and the said improvement was included in the reserve granted to the said David Fields.

The petitioners claim compensation for improvements of which they were deprived by the operation of the treaty of 1819, between the United States and the Cherokee Nation of Indians under the second article of said treaty by which “the United States agreed to pay according to the stipulation contained in the treaty of the eighth of July, eighteen hundred and seventeen, for all improvements on land lying within the country ceded by the Cherokees, which add real value to the land.” It is shown by the evidence submitted to the committee, that the improvements, for which confirmation is now claimed, was included in the country ceded by the treaty of 1819, and are now situated within the county of Hamilton, in the state of Tennessee. According to the officer in charge of the Indian Bureau, addressed to a member of this committee, in reply to a call for information on the subject, shows that the office affords no evidence that the improvements in question were appraised, or paid for according to the provisions of the treaty of 1819, according to the stipulations contained in the treaty of the eighth of July, eighteen hundred and seventeen.” While it is admitted that the treaty of 1817 provided an allowance for improvements surrendered in pursuance of that treaty,, to such Indians and Indian countrymen only who actually emigrated west of the Mississippi River, the committee are of opinion that the broad provision provided for the second article of the treaty of 1819, for the payment of the value of improvements surrendered with the country ceded by the last mentioned treaty, entitles the petitioners to a fair compensation for the improvements which they surrendered in pursuance of that treaty. The evidence shows that those improvements added a certain real value of the improvements of the ceded lands. By a surrender of those improvements, the petitioners were deprived of the benefits secured to the possessor of the land y such improvements. Common justice will therefore, award to the petitioners renumeration. The committee are of the opinion that the evidence presented to them bears satisfactory marks of credibility, and that valuation of the improvements described by the evidence, is not unreasonable. Believing that James Brown is entitled to the sum of six hundred and forty seven dollars,, and that John Brown is entitled to the further sum of three hundred and thirty dollars,the committee therefore report a bill for their relief.

This appears to be saying that they (John and James Brown) lost lands in Hamilton County, Tennessee, as a result of the treaties of 1817 and 1819. They were not compensated for these loses until 1833. Since James and John Brown are mentioned together, perhaps they are brothers. What is important is that both of these men lost their lands as a result of the treaties of 1817 and 1819, and therefore where did each go after that?

My John Brown married on December 23^rd, 1820, in Lawrence County, Alabama, on lands that had just been ceded by the Cherokee Nation to the United States, as well.

Main Points

James Brown . . . in pursuance of the treaty of 1819 . . .That the first of said improvements was said by said James Brown for his own special use; and that the other improvement “was made for the use of a school which the said James Brown did maintain, mostly at his own expense.” And that said James Brown abandoned said improvements to his successors, without any consideration from the State of Tennessee or any individual.”

James Brown abandoned his home and a school. Neither the person that moved into his home nor the state of Tennessee compensated him for his loss. This suggests the lost lands were in Tennessee.

Davy Crockett, His Own Story

There is another source for Cherokees living in Northern Alabama at the time of the Creek Red Stick War whose surname was “Brown”. Whereas the story above speaks of a Cherokee Indian named John Brown having forty acres of land in Hamilton County, Tennessee at the time of the 1817 and 1819 treaties, Davy Crockette's account puts a Cherokee named “Old man Brown” south and east of Ditto's Landing, at the time of the Creek War, 1813-1814. Old Man Brown was the father of a Cherokee named Colonel “Dick” (Richard) Brown. It is known that his father was named John Brown. It is known that John Brown had a son named John Brown. And both Richard and his brother had sons named John Brown. With all of these Cherokees named John Brown, I have never been able to separate one John Brown from another.

From page 46 Crockett has joined Jackson's army against the Creek Red Stick Warriors. He says that while General Jackson was still in Nashville he states that Major Gibson asked for volunteers to go across the Tennessee River. He and others volunteered..He states; We went on, and crossed the Tennessee River at a place called Ditto's Landing; and then traveled about seven miles further, and took up camp for the night. . . . The next morning however, Major Gibson and myself concluded that we should separate and take different directions to see what discoveries we could make; so he took seven of the men, and I five. Making thirteen in all, including myself. He was to go by the house of a Cherokee Indian named Dick Brown, and I was to go by Dick's father's, getting all the information we could. We were to meet that evening where the roads came together,, fifteen miles the other side Brown's.

Several days later, near the end of this encounter, Crockette says; “We pushed on til we got again to Old Mr. Brown's,which was still about thirty miles from where we had left the main army.” This gives us a pretty good idea of where “Old Mr. Brown” lived. They had left the main army at Ditto's Landing. So he must have lived about 30 miles south of Ditto's landing. On page 55 Crockette mentions a Cherokee Colonel, Dick Brown. This has to be the same Dick Brown he mentioned a few days earlier. He is better known as Richard Brown. He was a well known figure, and it is known that his father was named John Brown. The elder John Brown also had a son named John Brown. Col. Richard Brown also had a son named John Brown. I mention these Cherokee Brown's because my Brown's lived nearby a decade later.

Conclusion

So “Old Mr. Brown” lived about 30 miles from Ditto's Landing, in 1813 or 14. Our John Brown lived in Lawrence County, Alabama 6 years after that, when he married Polly (Mary) Black.

1.] From my book, Finding Our Indian Blood, Chapter 5.

2.] Davy Crockett, His Own Story, p. 46-51.

The Journal of John Fontaine, covering the years between 1710-1719

The Journal of John Fontaine, 1710-1719

This is said to be a pencil drawing of John Fontaine.

Here are some excerpts and comments on the Journal of John Fontaine.

First, a little about the Journal and the man, John Fontaine. John's father, Jacques, known as James Fontaine, was born in 1658 in Jenouille in Saintonge, France. Jacques father was also named Jacques, and he was a well known Huguenot minister of the United Churches of Vaux and Royan. They came from a long line of Huguenots that dated back to about 1535. In the 1680s, the french government's persecution of the Huguenots expanded, an many migrated elsewhere, for fear of their lives. Churches were torn down, their meetings were disrupted, and members of their congregations were thrown into jail until they recanted their faith, and returned to the Roman Catholic faith. In October of 1685, the French government revoked the Edict of Nanrtes, that had promised the French government would tolerate the Huguenots.

James Fontaine fled first to England and then to Ireland. Twice the Irish, who remained fiercely Catholic, provided French Privateers (another word for 'pirate' in those times).the location of the Fontaine household, which they attacked, with the Fontaine family barely escaping with their lives. Although James remained in Europe, some of his children came to America. One son, John, came to America, obtained land grands and land parcels from Virginia's Governor Alexander Spotswood, whom he got to know pretty well. They traveled to Fort Christanna together, and John Fontaine wrote of this trip in his journal (1). John eventually went back to Europe and settled in Wales, where he spend the remainder of his days on earth.

The version of the Journal I have in my possession waspublished by the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, and distributed by the University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia. It eas edited by Edward Porter Alexander, who also wrote the introduction.

More from Alexander's Introduction

Alexander's “Introduction” is lengthy, but he provides a lot of material about the Fontaine family that John Fontaine doesn't mention in is journal about his travels. Hen speaking about John's father, Jacques, referred to as James, he adds; “[James] bought a run down stone house on the St. Stephens green in Dublin and fixed it us as a combined home and grammar school.” Alexander continues; “His prospectus promised to take day students and to board 'Gentlement's sons', teaching them the French, Latin and Greek tongues; also history, geography and , . . . mathematics, especially Piety.' James was apparently offered to become the first professor of Philosophy and Mathematics at the College of William and Mary in Virginia. Alexander states this offer came because of the friendship of James' son, our John Fontaine, and Governor Spotswood of Virginia. In 1721, James wife passed away, and in September of that year James closed his academy. He remained in Ireland, declining the opportunity to move to Virginia where several of his children decided to live. However his school had been so successful for James, that he was able to graduate three of his sons, Peter, Francis and Moses, from Trinity College in Dublin. So this French Huguenot family that barely escaped France, became a well known and connected family (2).

You might wonder why I am talking about this family so much. Well, I am getting to that. Please be patient. In December 1714, John Fontaine, son of James, left Dublin bound for America. Bad seas forced his ship to return to Ireland. He left a second time on February 28, 1715, and landed in Virginia May 26^th of that year. John remained in Virginia for four years. While on a trip with Governor Spotswood, Fontaine and party went to Germanna Colony, where it was said, he met his first Indians.

In April 1716 John Fontaine made another journey with Governor Spotswood, this time they visited Fort Christanna. Alexander writes that “Fort Christanna [was] on the south side of the Meherrin River near the North Carolina River.” Alexander writes; “Fontaines account of this journey is especially important because of the description of the Indians at Christanna. They were remnants of several Siouan speaking tribes – the Saponi, Occoneechi, Stenkanocks, Meipontski, and Tutelo.” Alexander adds that in the initial publication of Fontaine's journal, part of it had been edited out. The missing part was a list of 46 phrases and words in the Souan language. He states hor he spent a considerable time trying to find the original documents including these words. Alexander then poses some questions. Some of the words are Algonquin, some Siouan, some both, and some are Algonquin and Iroquoian. I suspect he spoke with some Indians of the various tribes that lived near the Saponi at that time, as both Algonquin and Iroquoian peoples lived nearby (3).

Alexander speculates as to how Fontaine obtained his list of Indian words. He suggests that Fontaine might have spoken with many Indians, and spelled out the words phonetically as best he could. He then adds; “He well could have obtained the words from Charles Griffin, teacher of the Indian school at Christanna. The Reverend Hugh Jones accompanied Spotswood on a visit to the fort a year later in April 1717, and he attributed most of what he learned about the Indians to Mr. Griffin.” (4)

Here is a map from Alexander's book about John Fontaine's Journal.

And the next part brings me to much of the reason I am choosing to share excerpts and ideas from John Fontaine's Journal. As many know, I reject the notion that the Melungeons descend from 'a band of Portugues Gentlemen Adventurers. Maybe one or two Portuguese did father a family at most, of people that eventually became ancestors of a couple of the Melungeons. But it is absurd to claim more than this.

However since the word “Melangeon” is of French origin, I was hoping to find a 'French connection' to the Saponi Indians at Fort Christanna. The Fontaine family is one such connection. Alexander mentions off hand a conversation our Fontaine family members has about mixed race people. Peter Fontaine, brother to John, moved to Virginia and stayed there, whereas John, author of the Journal, went back to Europe and settled in Wales. Peter Jr., in one letter to his uncle John in Wales, speaks how his family settled in Halifax County. The American and Welsh descendents of this Huguenot family continued to write back and forth long after their were separated from one another by the vast Atlantic Ocean.They proceed to have a conversation about slavery, and part of that conversation concerns mixed race people (5).

Alexander continues; “Not often did the two groups of correspondents have a difference of opinion. Once however, John and Moses Fontaine asked the Reverend Peter (Sr.) two pointed questions – whether colonial breaches of Indian treaties had caused the Red Men to join the French in warring upon the frontiers and whether 'enslaving our fellow creatures was a practice agreeable to Christianity.' Peter replied to his brother, Moses, March 30, 1757, that the colonists had not broken their treaties, but he argued that they ought to have intermarried with the Indians so as to obtained their lands while converting them to Christiaity. He held the home authorities responsible for frowning on such unions and even threatening to half John Rolfe for marrying Pocahontas. How much better it would have been to have had Indian children as white at birth as White as Portuguese or Spaniards . . .” Reverend Peter Fontaine then makes some comments, that I wanted to leave out at first, but on second consideration, I will post. I don't want the last part of this sentence to negate the idea behind the first half. I need to continue on to the topic of slavery just a little, and so I need to include it. He continues from the last quote . . . “rather than the colonists pollute or smut their blood pollute their blood by copulating with Negroes and and producing a swarm of mulatto bastards.”

Alexander continues, “The economic facts of life in Virginia, Peter thought, required slave labor as long as that stinking and in itself useless weed – tobacco, continued the staple crop.” Alexander then quotes Reverend Peter Fontaine again. Rev. Fontaine then states the following about slavery, “It is a hard task to do our duty toward them [the slaves] as we ought, for we run the hazard of temporal ruin if they are not compelled to work hard on the one hand – and on the other, that of not being able to render an account of our stewardship in the other and better world, if we oppress and terrorize over them. (6)”

Rev. Peter Fontaine was typical for his day. They thought slavery was 'a necessary evil'. One way to justify ill treatment of others is to de-humanise them. 'They are NOT like us'. Even though he is a Christian Reverent, he tries to justify slavery, even though he knows it is wrong. There must have been many mulatto children or Rev. Peter would not have used such language. I believe the seeds of a small tri-racial group of families such as the Melungeons, can find its origins between the seventeen-teens, when as a young man John Fontaine befriended Gov. Spotswood, and the seventeen fifties when John, Moses, and Rev. Peter Fontaine are writing these letters back and forth across the Atlantic Ocean.

Having said that, and I don't want to understate his opinion in this, I still must also comment on the first half of that sentence, where Alexander quoted Rev Peter Fontaine, brother to John Fontaine, author of this journal, that quote being;

“How much better it would have been to have had Indian children as white at birth as White as Portuguese or Spaniards . . .” Others have shown this DID happen! Mixed bloods DID EXIST! And some even later, out of fear of being counted as being mixed with Negro blood lood in a society where even Christian ministers consider mixing with Negroes as a 'pollution' of the gene pool, what could these people do? They could claim they were Portuguese. And that same minister who saw mixing with one race as 'pollution', had no problem with mixing with Indians as alright, because they would look like the Spanish or Portuguese. We have to understand why people said things to understand what they were saying. As each generation learns how to do things better, we must teach that which is better, and forsake that which is not.

More

On page 31 we hear Fontaine kept his journal and that it was written in French. Alexander says of Fontaine's trip to Spain that "He began his account (it was in French) on March 22, 1722" . . . (7) We know he was French Hugeunot and was raised in Ireland. But here we know he was well versed in French, which we suspected, but now we know. So his journal was in French at least in part, and we also know that the word "melangeon" in French means "we mix".

On page 33 we hear of parts of the original journal that have not survived to today. They are;
i.] Fontaine's military service in Spain (Aug 31, 1710- Jul7, 1713)
ii.] Unsuccessful voyage for Virginia (Dec. 7, to Jan 22, 1714-15)

iii.]Respite for Bideford and Barnstable (Jan 23, to Feb 26, 1714-1715
iv.] Successful Journey to Virginia, (Feb 28, 1714  to May 25, 1715

v.] Vocabulary of words used by Indians at Fort Christanna (April 15th, 1716) (8)

He speaks of taking a ship from Plymouth, England tp Portugal, He speaks of going "up the Tagus [River] before Lisbon." I only share this because of the persistence of some people who want to say the Melungeons were Portuguese hidiing out in the interior. Were they lost, they had no reason to "hide out." -- the Portuguese were European just like hte English. If any Portuguese sailors got left behind, he could easily have just taken the next ship home. While in Portugal, Fontaine mentions crops they rgew, saying, "They make abundance of wine, oil, wheat, barley, and INDIAN CORN." The time frame is 1711. In 1711 they were growing 'an abundance' of Indian Corn in Portugal. He Portuguese had first colonized Brazil by April 1500, so Portuguese ships had been passing to and from the Americas for at least 200 years. They had plenty of time to learn how to grow corn 'in abundance' in Portugal. Speaking of why there were few people living along the Portuguese coasts, Fontaine says, "Moors very often make descent and carry away with them all they cam meet, as also all the people they can which they make slaves of." (9) So there were Portuguese slaves living in the lands of the Moors, Morocco.

He tells of the first Indian cabin (dated November 12, 1715) he sees, saying "We see by the side of the road an Indian cabin, which was built with posts up into the ground, the one by the other, as close as they could lay and about seven feet high, all of an equal length. It was built four square [meaning four sides of equal length], and a sort of roof  upon it covered with the bark of trees. They say it keeps out the rain very well."

When speaking of Indian women, he states, "The Indian women were all naked. Only a girdle they had tied about their waiste, and they had about a yard of blanketing which they passed one end under the fore part of the girdle, and they pull this cloth so fashoned before between their thighs and they fashon the other end under the girdle behind, which covers their nakedness. Their beds were mats made of bullrushes. They lie upon them and had one blanket to cover them. All the household good they had was a pot . . . (10)

1.] The above is mentioned in the introduction to “The Journal of John Fontaine, 1710-1719”.

2.] Introduction, page 6

3.] Introduction, page 12

4.] Introduction, page 13

5.] Introduction, page 27

6.] Introduction, page 28
7.] Introduction, page 31
8.] Introduction, page 33
9.] Chapter 1, Military Service, pages 38-40
10.] Capter 5, Land Hunting to Germanna. page 85 

Addendum to the Article

While researching this information, I came across information that Peter Fontaine, John's brother, also wrote something about the family, and his writings mentioned mixed race people. Although Alexander quoted this in part, I wanted to find the original source if possible. Part of it is found online at http://saponitown.com/forum/showthread.php?1842-Peter-Fontaine-s-Views-of-Racial-Relations-in-1757&s=28b16f9b8f1ea0d5991579083494d829. That website does have a lot of good information on it. They cite their material as follows – Fontaine, Peter. "Letters of the Rev. Peter Fontaine of Westover, Virginia": p. 233-355. Maury, Ann. Memoirs of a Huguenot Family: Translated and compiled from the original autobiography of the Rev. James Fontaine, and other Family Manuscripts; Comprising an original Journal of Travels in Virginia, New York, Etc, in 1715 and 1716. New York. Geo. P. Putnam & Co. 1853. 512 pgs. 

...Now, to answer your first query - whether by our breach of treaties we have not justly exasperated the bordering nations of Indians against us, and drawn upon ourselves the barbarous usage we meet with from them and the French? To answer this fully would take up much time. I shall only hint at some things which we ought to have done, and which we did not do at our first settlement amongst them, and which we might have learnt long since from the practice of our enemies the French. I am persuaded we were not deficient in the observation of treaties, but as we got the land by concession, and not by conquest, we ought to have intermarried with them, which would have incorporated us with them effectually, and made of them stanch friends, and, which is of still more consequence, made many of them good Christians; but this our wise politicians at home put an effectual stop to at the beginning of our settlement here, for when they heard that John Rolfe had married Pocahontas, it was deliberated in Council, whether he had not committed high treason by so doing, that is, marrying an Indian Princess; and had not some troubles intervened which put a stop to the inquiry, the poor man might have been hanged up for doing the most just, the most natural, the most generous and polite action that ever was done this side of the water. This put an effectual stop to all intermarriages afterwards. Our Indian traders have indeed their squaws, alias whores, at the Indian towns where they trade, but leave their offspring like bulls or boards to be provided for at random by their mothers. As might be expected, some of these bastards have been the leading men or war-captains that have done us so much mischief. This ill-treatment was sufficient to create jealousy in the natural man's breast, and made the Indians look upon us as false and deceitful friends, and cause all our endeavors to convert them to be ineffectual. But here methinks I can hear you observe, What! Englishmen intermarry with Indians? But I can convince you that they are guilty of much more heinous practices, more unjustifiable in the sight of God and man (if that, indeed, may be called a bad practice), for many base wretches amongst us take up with negro women, by which means the country swarms with mulatto bastards, and these mulattoes, if but three generations removed from the black father or mother, may by the indulgence of the laws of the country, intermarry with the white people, and actually do every day so marry. Now, if, instead of this abominable practice which hath polluted the blood of many amongst us, we had taken Indian wives in the first place, it would have made them some compensation for their lands. They are a free people, and the offspring would not be born in a state of slavery. We should become rightful heirs to their lands, and should not have smutted our blood, for the Indian children when born are as white as Spaniards or Portuguese, and were it not for the practice of going naked in the summer and besmearing themselves with bears' grease, &c., they would continue white; and had we thought fit to make them our wives, they would readily have complied with our fashion of wearing clothes all the year round; and by doing justice to these poor benighted heathen, we should have introduced Christianity amongst them. Your own reflections upon these hints will be a sufficient answer to your first query. I shall only add that General Johnson's success was owing, under God, to his fidelity to the Indians, and his generous conduct to his Indian wife, by whom he hath several hopeful sons, who are all war-captains, the bulwarks with him of the five nations, and loyal subjects to their mother country...

Interesting food for thought.

Information gleaned from Richard Heathcock's Compilation of Information about the Saponi bands (Northern) of the Catawba

Some information about the Saponi, and other Northern Bands of the Catawba

The Saponi are firsr found near presentday Lynchville Roanoke, and Charlottesville, Virginia. The bands that united with the Saponi eventually included the following; The Saponi proper, Tutelo,Ocaneechi, Stukenoke/Enoke/Eno, Keyauwee, Miepontski, Stegaraki/stegarski.(1).

Notice the Monacan and Mahook in the far north. To their south are “Sapon” and “Nahyssan” If you get rid of the “Nay” you have “Yssah”, very similar to “Yesaw”, which was what these people called themselves, and is verysimilar yo Esaw/Yssaw/Isaw; what the southern branch of the Eastern Siouan people's called themselves. The “Akenatzi”mentioned have got to be the “Occoneechi”.

Heathcock, talking about Lederer's witings, states “These parts, (the Piedmont of Virginia), were formerly possessed by the Tacci, alisas, Dogi, but they are extinct; and the Indians now seated here, are distinguished into several Nations of Mahoc, Nuntaneuck, alias Nuntaly, Nhayssan, Sapon, Monagog, Monquoack,Akenatzi, and Monakin, and one language is common to them all (2)

In 1676, the Tutelo, Saponi, and Occoneechi were living on islands on the Roanoke River, when they were attacked by Nathaniel Bacon as part of “Bacon's Rebellion. In 1680, the treaty of the Middle Plantation was signed, by the Saponi between may and June of that year, Mastegonoe was tribal chief and Tachapoake was headman. In 1701 John Lawson found the Saponi dwelling on the Yadkin River in North Carolina near the present town of Salusbury, North Carolina. Haithcock next mentions that the Saponi had moved by 1711 to a place called “Sapona Town,” a short distance from the Roanoke River, 15 miles westt of Windsor, Bertie County, North Carolina. This was apparently, before the Tuscarora War of that same year. Haithcock mentions one Saponi took the name “Johnson”, after a settler named John Johnson, who lived at Sapona Town. In 1713 Virginia's governor, Alexander Spotswood, established some lands for the Eastern Siouans. Elements of the following bands were reported to have gone there, to a place called “Fort Christanna”; Saponi, Tutelo, Occoneechi, Meiponstky, Monacan, and the Stegarsky. These all came to be called the Saponi Nation. Tanhee Soka, Saponi, signed his mark at Fort Christanna. (3).

So the Northern Catawban bands (which included the Saponi and othrs) were almost constantly on the move from the 1670s until they arrived at Christanna in 1713. That's between 40 and 50 years. During this time their numbers decreased drastically. They were apparently enslaved, died of disease, and in the slave wars, often instigated by South Carolina traders. More on this later.

John Lawson visited the Saponi town when it was located on the Yadkin River in 1701., near the present town of Salisbury. Per Haithcock, they then moved to Bertie County, North Carolina with the Tutelo. He states that the Saponi, Tutelo, and Occoneechi, had moved to a 'new town', called Sapona Town, 'evidently', before the Tuscarora War. He states their town was east of the Roanoke River, about 15 miles west of the present day town of Windsor, Bertie County, North Carolina. He mentions an 'Indian surnamed Johnson, and there was a Caucasian named 'John Johnson' living at the town of Sapona. In 1713 Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood invited these Saponi, Tutelo, Occoneechi, along with the Eno/Stuckenock, Meiponponstky, Monocan and Stegarsky Indians became the Saponi. These Indians were invited to live at Fort Christanna in Southeastern Virginia. All of these people were Northern and Eastern bands of the Catawba Nation. Haithcock speaks often of how these Indians had lived on or near the Ohio River before being pushed back east and south, and points to the names of rivers in the area as evidence. My opinion is yes, this is evidence, but I don't think this evidence constitutes proof. Others say these Eastern Siouan peoples had lived in the Carolina's and portions of Virginia from the distant past. My personal opinion is that this void was filled by Algonquin peoples, the Shawnee, the Miama (also called Twigtwees), the Shawnee, and others. Also many people forget that each tribe lived in a small region, yet also controlled vast regions which they considered their 'hunting grounds'.

Here is a map showing the Saponi at the location near what is today Salisbury, North Carolina, about 1701, when visited by Lawson.Notice how the Tuscarora control most of Eastern North Carolina.

Here is a map of the same region AFTER the Tuscarora war. Notice most of Eastern North Carolina, prviously controlled by the Tuscarora, has been cleared of Indians. There were also a couple of bands of the Siouan peoples that are also gone from this region. Thwy either fled south to the Catawba are in the location located on the map as “Saponi Peoples” just to the west of the Meherrins. This was the location of Fort Christanna, founded by Virginia Governor Spotswood as a refuge for the last remnants of the Saponi and the bands that associated with them. It wasn't until the strength of the Tuscarora had been shattered that most of North Carolina became widely settled. Within a few more years, the power of the Catawban peoples, which consisted of most of the rest of the bands in South Carolina, would be shattered in the Yamassee War, opening the way to the settlement of much of South Carolina.

In 1714, Tanhee Soka and Hoontsky are mentioned as Chiefs of the Saponi at Fort Christanna.

The last surviving man who spoke the Tutelo language, Horation Hale, was said to have stated the people called all the Eastern Siouan peoples the “Yesah'. James Mooney stated the Catawba name for their own people was the 'Esaw'. Esaw and Yesah are practically identical, and is proof these people were all ONE NATION, at one time (4).

Per Haithcock, 300 Saponis were brought to Fort Christanna in March of 1715. In March 1716, it was reported some 60 Saponi warriors went on a war party against the Genito Indians. These are probably the Seneca. At this time they were ruled by twelve elders, and one a single chief. It was said that they would not treat with the English but in their own language. This probably means no tribal members spoke English fluently at that time.

In 1722, a treaty was signed between the Seneca and the colonies and Indians of Virginia, and both Carolinas. The following Saponi men were mentioned in a letter by Virginia Governor Gooch; Great George, John Sauano, Ben Harrison, Captain Tom, Pyah, Saponey Tom, Pyah, Tony Mack, Harry Irvin, and Dick. After the killing of a Nottaway Indian, four Saponi wee sent to jail. They were Chief Tom, Chief Mahenip, Harry Irvin and Pryor. I suspect Captain Tom and Chief Tom are the same people. I also suspect Pyah and Pryor are the same person.

In 1732 some Saponi returned to Fort Christanna from the Catawba. They returned to Fort Christanna. They were also allowed to settle along the Appomattox or Roanoke Rivers.

In 1733 the Saponi and Nottaway wanted a treaty between themselves, and wanted to include the Tuscarora.

In February of 1739, there was mention of 'a Saponi Camp' on the south side of the Nuese River in Craven County, North Carolina.

Probably about 1740, the Tutelo went north, stopping at Shamokin, Pennsylvania. These eventually went up to join with their ancient enemy, the Six Nations.

In 1742, eleven Saponi men are mentioned in the records of Orange County, Virginia. Their names are given as Maniassa, Captain Tom, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Little Zach, John Collins, Charles Griffen, Alexander Machartoon, John Bowling, Isaac, and Tom. It is interesting that 'Captain Tom' is mentioned both in 1722 at Fort Christanna and in 1742 in Orange County, Virginia. There are two other interesting names that time the Melungeons of Southwestern Virginia and Northeastern Tennessee early in the 19^th century to the Saponi of Fort Christanna. We have John Collins and Charles Griffen in 1742 in Orange County, Virginia. We also have the Collins family, claiming a mixed-Indian origin in NE Tn. We also have a teacher named Charles Griffen who tought the Indians at Fort Christanna, and an Indian by that same name in Orange County, Virginia 3 decades later.

In 1749 in Johnson County, North Carolina, on the south side of the Nuese River, at a place called Powell's Run, a 'Saponi Camp' is mentioned at that location (5).

In 1753, the Tutelo joined the Six Nations, formerly their mortal enemies.

In 1755, there is mention of 14 men and 14 women living in Person County, North Carolina, who are Saponi Indians.

On April 19^th, 1755, John Austin, a Saponi Indian, and Mary, a Susquehanna Indian, applied for a pass to the Catawba Nation.

In 1757, a party of Indians from the North Carolina/Virginia border region, visited Williamsburg, Virginia, and met with Virginia's governor. Some were Saponi. Here I wish Haithcock had elaborated more. If “some” were Saponi, what tribe were the rest?

There are dry spells where the Saponi aren't mentioned much. Haithcock mentions some who had earlier gone north to the Six Nations, in the 1760s and 70's. Unfortunately Haithcock mentions nothing more about those Indians that fought for the Brittish in the French and Indian War. He does mention some Saponi mized bloods who are mentioned on militia rosters in 1777 during the American Revolution. He lists their surnames as Riddle, Collins, Bunch, Bollins, Goins, Gibson, and Sizemore.

Haithcock says a group of Saponi, Nansemond, and Tuscarora peoples organized together in the 1780s, and they formed what is today known as the Haliwa Saponi, around a place known as “the Meadows”. They are called Haliwa because they live in both Halifax and Warren Counties, in North Carolina.

In 1784, some old Saponi families are still living in Brunswick County, Virginia, near the location of the former Fort Christana. Their surnames are Robinson, Haithcock, Whitmore, Carr, Jeffreys, and Guy. Many of these families are also found in Hillsborough County, North Carolina (6).

Hathcock mentions the following, “The Saponi/Christanna Indians by 1827 were being documented or recorded as Catawba by their friends, neighbors and officials in the Department of the interior. He provides 2 quotes. I.] “If descended from Indians at all, they were likely Catawba and lived in Eastern North Carolina.” and ii.] “It is a region much more likely to have been occupied by Indians from Virginia or by the Catawba Indians who ranged from South Carolina up through North Carolina into Virginia.” He mentions the surnames of these families; Hathcock, Dempsey, Jefferies, Guy, Johnson, Collins, Mack, Richardson, Lynch, Silvers, Mills, Riddle, Austin, Hedgepath, Copeland, Stewart, Harris, Nichols, Shepherd, Gibson, Coleman, Martin, Branham, Johns Taylor, Ellis, Anderson, Tom, Ervin, Bowling, Valentine, Goens, Sizemore, Bunch, Coker, Rickman, Whitmore, Mullins, Perkins, Harrison, Holley, Pettiford. Haithcock them implies these families were recognized by the state of North Carolina as the Haliwa Saponi Indians in the latter third of the twentieth century. Haliwa stands for the two counties where they mainly lived, Halifax and Warren Counties in North Carolina (7).

Heathcock mentions some 79 Saponi names. Some are full names, some are just given, and some are just surnames. Here is that list:Chief Mastegonoe, Chief Manehip, Chief Chawka, Chief Tanhee, Seko, Chief Tom, Chief John Harris, Captain Harrry, Captain Tom (Chief Tom and Captain Tom are perhaps the same person), Ned Beqarskin, Ben Bear Den, Pyah, Pryor (probably the same), Manniassa, Dick, Harry (perhaps the same as Captain Harry), Isaac, Tom (perhaps the same as captain or Chief Tom), Lewis Anderson, Thomas Anderson,Isham Johnson, Will Matthews, Isaac White )perhaps the same as 'Isaac'), John Hart, Carte Hedge Beth, Sepunis, Cornelious Harris, John Collins, Lewis Collins, Mullins, Charles Griffin, Absalon Griffin, Hannah Griffin, John Sauano, Saponey Tom,Alexander Marchartoon, John Bowlinig, Ben Harrison, Tony Mack, Great George, Little Zach, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Hary Irwin, Tom Irwin, John Austin, Sr and Jr, Richard Austin, Tutterow, Dempsey, Miles Bunch, William Thims, Chritopher Thims, John Head, Isaac Head, Heathcock, Jeffryes, Guy, Whitmore, Robinson, Carr, Ford, Long, Rickman, Coker, Jones, Richardson, Mills, Stewart, Going, Jackson, Thore, Williams, Branham, Johns, and Coleman. Now these are in adition to some of those already mentioned that are not mentioned here (8).

So recapping, first reports have the Monacan and Manahoac first being mentioned by John Smith to the west of the Jamestown Colony in 1607. In 1670 John Lederer has the Saponi and their allies along the eastern slope of the Appalachians in Virginia and Nprth carolina, indicating a movement southward. Lawson finds them near the present site of Salisbury, North Carolina. They flee again to live not far from the Tuscarora even before the Tuscarora War of 1722, only to flee again, to Fort Christanna by invitation of the Governor of Virginia, Alexander Spotswood..about 1714. Some flee with the Tuscarora up to Six Nations, but most remain in Virginia and the Carolinas whereover time, they become a mixed race minority in their own homelands. They were constantly being attacked prompting a treaty in 1722 with the Six Nations. Heathcock suggests a remnant fled north about 1740 to live with the Six Nations.

Haithcock's Compilation

1.] 1., Introduction

2.] page 4, The History of the Saponi Tribe and the Saponi Nation compiled by Richard Haithcock

3.] page 5

4.] page 5

5.] page 6

6.] page 7

.7] page 10.

8.] page 11