CHAPTER VIII – THE SAPONI
[still editing]
I have gone
over one band of the Catawba who separated from the others. Another, the
Saponi, did the same. Remember that sometimes a settlement might be mentioned
in the notes of an earlier explorer, and that settlement might just be a
hunting camp. Men hunted for game during the hunting season. War chiefs who
couldn’t protect their people would be shamed, and possibly be replaced. We can
easily misinterpret what we see.
We hear of
the English conducting slave raids into western parts of Virginia by the 1640s
or 50s. We have Saponi society in turmoil as a result of these slave raids. We
know that thirty years earlier they were some of the northernmost bands of the
Catawba, but their numbers had been greatly reduced and they moved to live near
Salisbury, NC. By the 1670s, before the Tuscarora War, they moved closer to the
Tuscarora. Then Governor Spotswood of Virginia invited them back to Virginia
saying he'd protect them, and they took him up on that offer. They moved to
Fort Christanna, just north of the North Carolina/Virginia border in the east. Most
history books say they were seeking protection from their ancient enemies, the
Iroquois from New York. But I think they sought protection from slave raids,
too. They made another attempt to live with the Catawba in 1730, but they moved
back to Fort Christanna shortly thereafter.
The story
of the Melungeons begins shortly after this timeframe. But we can see they were
used to living a mobile life, moving from place to place every few years.
I remember
my mother telling a story about a group of German families that had moved into
Tillman County, Oklahoma, when she was a little girl. The land was first opened
to White settlement in 1906. A piece of land called “The Big Pasture (152) in
part of Tillman County was given away to lucky families whose names were drawn
in a lottery.
She used to
talk about those German families. One thing I remember her saying was that you could tell the German
owned houses because they always lined their driveways with cedar trees. She’d
also say that the German grandparents couldn't speak any English at all. Their
children spoke both English and German. The grand children (my parent's age) often
spoke only English. It was difficult for the grandkids to speak with their
grandparents. If dad heard her telling this story he would interrupt. He’d
mention the time one of the elderly German men walked up to him, and as Dad’d
put it; “started talking gibberish”.
Dad, who was a child at the time, said it startled him so that he just took off
running. The point I am trying to make is that the same thing was happening to
the Saponi. There came a generation who spoke both English and Saponi. Most of
their children spoke only English. We know when the German kids lost their
language, there were still plenty of other people who still spoke it – in
Germany. But there was no one left to speak the Saponi language. Once this
happened, they lost their old stories forever. Loss of the language meant loss
of culture. They assimilated in just a few generations. Their language quickly
became extinct. Lost in this is they had managed to survive the genocide. Their
nation was gone. But some of the people remained to pass down fragmented
stories, partially true, partly just legend.
It is
interesting to realize that a Saponi child born in 1690 could have been born in
Western parts of Virginia, moved to Central/Western North Carolina at the age
of 10 by 1700, gone East to live at Fort Christanna by the age of 30, went to
live with the Catawba by the age of 40 in 1730. He might have been 50-55 years
old and living at ex-Governor Spotswood's plantation in the early 1740s when
they were ordered to leave the county. His children might have been born at
Fort Christanna about 1715 or 1720. As such, they would have spoken both Saponi
and English. The next generation might have been born about 1740 or so, at
ex-Governor Spotswood's Plantation, and they might have known only a few words
of their own Saponi language, English having become their first language. They
would have had a hard time conversing with their grandparents. The generation born
by the 1770s would have only a few old family stories of their Indian heritage
that had been passed down. But they continued to travel together, as they once
had done as a tribe. When the world discovered them, and started calling them
“Melungeons” they were a mixed-race remnant (perhaps mixed-Caucasian, perhaps
mixed- Black, or tri-racial) of a once powerful Indian Nation, and a band of
the Catawba. But loss of language also meant a loss of much of their history
and culture. They assimilated.
They didn't
descend from a band of escaped slaves or a band of “Portuguese Adventurers”.
The principle factor that kept them travelling together wasn't their Caucasian
or Negro heritage, but rather their American Indian heritage.
Some information about the Saponi, and
other Northern Bands of the Catawba
The Saponi
are first found near present day Lynchville, Roanoke, and Charlottesville,
Virginia. The bands that united with the Saponi eventually included the
following; The Saponi proper, Tutelo, Occaneechi, Stukenoke/Enoke/Eno, Monacan,
Mahook, Keyauwee, Miepontski, Stegaraki/Stegarski. (153)
Notice some
of the earlier English maps. The Monacan and Mahook are in the far north. To
their south are “Sapon” and “Nahyssan” If you get rid of the prefix “Nah” and
the ending “n” you have “Yssa”, very similar to “Yesaw”, which was what these
people called themselves, and is very similar to Esaw/Yssaw/Isaw; what the
southern branch of the Eastern Siouan people's called themselves.
In 1677,
the treaty of the Middle Plantation was written up, and by 1680 it was signed.
Mastegonoe was tribal chief and Tachapoake was headman. This treaty made the
Saponi one of the “Tributary Indians” mentioned in that treaty.
Haithcock
states that in 1713 Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood invited these Saponi,
Tutelo, Occoneechi, along with the Eno/Stuckenock, Meiponponstky, Monocan and
Stegarsky Indians to go to Fort Christanna, and join the Saponi there (154).
These Indians were invited to live at Fort Christanna in Southeastern Virginia.
All of these people were Northern and Eastern bands of the Catawba Nation. Some
people say the Eastern Siouan peoples had lived in the Carolina's and portions
of Virginia since the distant past. Others say they arrived in their present
location about the year 1200. No one knows for sure. Many people forget that
each tribe lived in a small region, yet also controlled vast regions which they
considered their 'hunting grounds'. Many Indian wars were fought over just who
controlled those hunting grounds. Whoever controlled the hunting grounds
controlled the supply of fish, deer, turkey, bison, pecans and other nuts,
roots, tuckaho, and berries, as well as other wild game.
Governor Spotswood Creates Fort
Christanna for the Saponi
Map 11
shows most of Eastern North Carolina, previously controlled by the Tuscarora,
has been cleared of Indians. Many Catawban bands are also gone. They either
fled south to the Catawba are in the location on the map as “Saponi Peoples” (map
11, page 60) just to the west of the Meherrins in Southeastern Virginia. This
was the location of Fort Christanna, founded by Virginia Governor Spotswood as
a refuge for the last remnants of the Saponi and the bands that were associated
with them. It wasn't until the strength of the Tuscarora had been shattered
that most of North Carolina became widely settled by the British. Within a few
more years, the power of the Catawban peoples, which consisted of most of the
rest of the bands in South Carolina, would be shattered in the Yamassee War,
opening the way to the settlement of much of the rest of the Carolinas and
Georgia.
In 1714,
Tanhee Soka and Hoontsky are mentioned as Chiefs of the Saponi at Fort
Christanna.
The last
surviving man who spoke the Tutelo language, Horation Hale, was said to have
stated the people called all the Eastern Siouan peoples the “Yesah'. James
Mooney stated the Catawba name for their own people was the 'Esaw'. Esaw and
Yesah are practically identical, and is proof these people were all ONE NATION,
at one time. (155)
Per
Haithcock, 300 Saponis were brought to Fort Christanna in March of 1715. In
March 1716, it was reported some 60 Saponi warriors went on a war party against
the Genito Indians. These are probably the Seneca. At this time they were ruled
by twelve elders, and a single chief. It was said that they would not treat
with the English but in their own language. Little did they know that the
grandchildren of some of them would never learn their native language
In 1722, a
treaty was signed between the Seneca, the colonies and Indians of Virginia, and
both Carolinas. The following Saponi men were mentioned in a letter by Virginia
Governor Gooch; Great George, John Sauano, Ben Harrison, Captain Tom, Pyah,
Saponey Tom, Tony Mack, Harry Irvin, and Dick. After the killing of a Nottaway
Indian, four Saponi were sent to jail. They were Chief Tom, Chief Mahenip,
Harry Irvin and Pryor. I suspect Pyah and Pryor are the same person.
In 1732 some Saponi returned to
Fort Christanna from the Catawba. They were told their land had been sold, but
that they could settle along the Appomattox or Roanoke Rivers. (156)
Excerpts from the 1722 Treaty of
Albany Relating to the Tributary Indians of Virginia
Virginia’s governor
Spotswood spoke to the chiefs of the Five Nations on behalf of both his people
and the Indians living in Virginia who had signed the 1677 treaty. He said:
Wherefore I am now come hither as Governor of Virginia
. . . to endeavor at establishing an everlasting Peace between your People and
ours comprehending not only the Christian Inhabitants of Virginia but also the
several Nations of Indians belonging to and subject to that Government &
according to the custom of this Place, I signify to you this Proposition by
giving 2 Belts of Wampum, ye one for the Government of Virginia & the other
for all its tributary Indians.
The
response of the Iroquois:
We wish you had brought some of ye Sachims of your
Indians that they might have spoke to us face to face & have put their
hands into the Covenant Chain, but since you are come here we agree to accept
what you offer in their behalf in the same manner as if they were present, and
tho' there is a Nation amongst you, the Toderechrones (Christian Indians)
against whom we have had so inveterate an enmity, that we thought it impossible
it could be extinguished, but by a total Extirpation of them, yet since you
desire it we are willing to receive them into this Peace & to forgive all
that is past. We hope you will observe that your Indians which you have engaged
for, perform what you have promised for them That they shall not pass to the
Norward of the River Kahongaronton, nor to the Westward of the Great Ridge of
Mountains & as you gave us two Belts one from the Christians & the
other from the Indians of Virginia so we give you two Belts one for your
Christians & the other for your Indians. (157)
And just
who are the Toderechrones? They are the Indians at Fort Christanna, the Tutelo,
the Saponi, and the Catawba. (158) “Toderechroones” is the Iroquoian word for
the Catawba and associated bands. The Iroquois will agree to peace with the
Catawban speaking peoples, but they wish these Catawbans had been present so
they could deal with one another face to face. They also make it sound as
though they are uneasy with this part of the peace treaty.
In February
of 1739, there was mention of 'a Saponi Camp' on the south side of the Nuese
River in Craven County, North Carolina.
Probably
about 1740, the Tutelo went north, stopping at Shamokin, Pennsylvania. They joined
their ancient enemy, the Six Nations. (159)
In 1742,
eleven Saponi men are mentioned in the records of Orange County, Virginia.
Their names are given as Maniassa, Captain Tom, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Little
Zach, John Collins, Charles Griffen, Alexander Machartoon, John Bowling, Isaac,
and Tom. It is interesting that 'Captain Tom' is mentioned both in 1722 at Fort
Christanna and in 1742 in Orange County, Virginia. There other interesting
names. These names are evidence that the Melungeons of Southwestern Virginia
and Northeastern Tennessee early in the 19th century came from the Saponi of
Fort Christanna. We have John Collins and Charles Griffen in 1742 in Orange
County, Virginia. We also have the Collins family, claiming a mixed-Indian
origin in NE Tn. We also have a teacher named Charles Griffen who taught the
Indians at Fort Christanna, and an Indian by that same name is in Orange
County, Virginia three decades later. The teacher at Fort Christanna was a White
man. The other Charles Griffen was a Saponi Indian. He obviously had taken the
name of the teacher, or perhaps he was his son by an Indian woman. (160)
In 1749 in
Johnson County, North Carolina, on the south side of the Nuese River, at a
place called Powell's Run, a 'Saponi Camp' is mentioned at that location. (161)
In 1753,
the Tutelo joined the Six Nations, formerly their mortal enemies. (162)
In 1755,
there is mention of 14 men and 14 women living in Person County, North
Carolina, who are Saponi Indians. (163)
On April
19th, 1755, John Austin, a Saponi Indian, and Mary, a Susquehanna Indian,
applied for a pass to the Catawba Nation. (164)
In 1757, a
party of Indians from the North Carolina/Virginia border region, visited
Williamsburg, Virginia, and met with Virginia's governor. Some were Saponi. If
“some” were Saponi, what tribe were the rest? When the Catawba met to talk with
the Cherokee during the French and Indian War, and they spoke of Saponi,
Notewego and Tuscarora, and spoke of these tribes as sending forces to serve
during that war, I suspect that trip to Williamsburg is was one of the last
government to government trips, perhaps the last, between the Saponi Tribe and
the Government of Virginia. (165)
There are
dry spells where the Saponi aren't mentioned much. Haithcock mentions some who
had earlier gone north to the Six Nations, in the 1750s. He does mention some
Saponi mixed bloods who are mentioned on militia rosters in 1777 during the
American Revolution. He lists their surnames as Riddle, Collins, Bunch,
Bollins, Goins, Gibson, and Sizemore. (166)
Haithcock
says a group of Saponi, Nansemond, and Tuscarora peoples organized together in
the 1780s, and they formed what is today known as the Haliwa-Saponi, around a
place known as “the Meadows”. They are called Haliwa because they live in both
Halifax and Warren Counties, in North Carolina. (167)
In 1784,
some old Saponi families are still living in Brunswick County, Virginia, near
the location of the former Fort Christana. Their surnames are Robinson,
Haithcock, Whitmore, Carr, Jeffreys, and Guy. Many of these families are also
found in Hillsborough County, North Carolina. (168)
Haithcock
mentions the following, “The
Saponi/Christanna Indians by 1827 were being documented or recorded as Catawba
by their friends, neighbors and officials in the Department of the interior. He
provides 2 quotes. I.] “If they descended from Indians at all, they were likely
Catawba and lived in Eastern North Carolina.” and ii.] “It is a region much
more likely to have been occupied by Indians from Virginia or by the Catawba
Indians who ranged from South Carolina up through North Carolina into
Virginia.” He mentions the surnames of these families; Haithcock, Dempsey,
Jefferies, Guy, Johnson, Collins, Mack, Richardson, Lynch, Silvers, Mills,
Riddle, Austin, Hedgepath, Copeland, Stewart, Harris, Nichols, Shepherd,
Gibson, Coleman, Martin, Branham, Johns, Taylor, Ellis, Anderson, Tom, Ervin,
Bowling, Valentine, Goens, Sizemore, Bunch, Coker, Rickman, Whitmore, Mullins,
Perkins, Harrison, Holley, Pettiford. Haithcock then implies these families
were recognized by the state of North Carolina as the Haliwa Saponi Indians in
the latter third of the twentieth century (169). This is EXACTLY what they say
about the Melungeon families. They say “IF” they are Indians.
There were
no or few full bloods by this time. Haithcock mentions some 79 Saponi names.
Some are full names, some are just given, and some are just surnames. Here is
that list: Chief Mastegonoe, Chief Manehip, Chief Chawka, Chief Tanhee, Seko,
Chief Tom, Chief John Harris, Captain Harrry, Captain Tom (Chief Tom and
Captain Tom are perhaps the same person), Ned Bearskin, Ben Bear Den, Pyah,
Pryor (probably the same), Manniassa, Dick, Harry (perhaps the same as Captain
Harry), Isaac, Tom (perhaps the same as captain or Chief Tom), Lewis Anderson,
Thomas Anderson, Isham Johnson, Will Matthews, Isaac White) perhaps the same as
'Isaac'), John Hart, Carter Hedge Beth, Sepunis, Cornelious Harris, John
Collins, Lewis Collins, Mullins, Charles Griffin, Absalom Griffin, Hannah
Griffin, John Sauano, Saponey Tom, Alexander Marchartoon, John Bowlinig, Ben
Harrison, Tony Mack, Great George, Little Zach, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Harry
Irwin, Tom Irwin, John Austin, Sr and Jr, Richard Austin, Tutterow, Dempsey,
Miles Bunch, William Thims, Christopher Thims, John Head, Isaac Head,
Heathcock, Jeffryes, Guy, Whitmore, Robinson, Carr, Ford, Long, Rickman, Coker,
Jones, Richardson, Mills, Stewart, Going, Jackson, Thore, Williams, Branham,
Johns, and Coleman. Now these are in addition to some of those already
mentioned that are not mentioned here. (170)
Recapping,
reports have the Monacan and Manahoac first being mentioned by John Smith to
the west of the Jamestown Colony in 1607. In 1670 John Lederer has the Saponi
and their allies along the eastern slope of the Appalachians in Virginia and
North Carolina, indicating a movement southward. Lawson finds them near the
present site of Salisbury, North Carolina. They flee again to live not far from
the Tuscarora even before the Tuscarora War of 1711, only to flee again, to
Fort Christanna by invitation of the Governor of Virginia, Alexander Spotswood,
about 1714. Some flee with the Tuscarora up to Six Nations, but most remain in
Virginia and the Carolinas where over time, they become a mixed-race minority
in their own homelands. They were constantly being attacked prompting a treaty
in 1722 with the Six Nations. Heathcock suggests a remnant fled north about 1750
to live with the Six Nations.
Becoming the Melungeons
Who are we?
I have grown weary and frustrated. So many people say; "If you are
Melungeon, you are Turkish . . . or Portuguese, or you descend from a band of
escaped East African Slaves . . . or maybe Welshmen, or Atlantian, or
Phoenician, or the ten lost Israeli Tribes -- you are Jewish . . ." They
want to say ANYTHING but the truth -- ANYTHING but American Indian!
Trouble with Neighbors, 1742
Haithcock
and Carlson both spoke about the same thing. Both showed how the Saponi became
the Melungeons, and the children of the Melungeons became the Carmel Indians of
Ohio. Both have done excellent research. Here are a few things Dr. Carlson has
shared. I thank him for allowing me to share these things.
Excerpts from “Who’s Your People”
Dr. Richard
Allen Carlson wrote a PhD dissertation about Indian families that migrated from
Fort Christanna to Western Virginia and Northeastern Tennessee, later migrating
through Eastern Kentucky and Ohio. Some people were rejected from the Cherokee rolls
NOT because they were not Indian, but rather they couId not prove they were
Cherokee. That's a big distinction. I sincerely would like to thank both
Richard Haithcock and Dr. Richard Carlson for helping me learn about some of my
ancestors. I hope to quote bits and pieces of their work. Carlson ties the
Melungeons to the Saponi Indians. He never mentions they were part
“Portuguese”. (171) Per Occam’s Razon, there is no need to introduce them.
On page 6
Carlson says; “Today amongst the
Salyersville Indians persists a small but distinct population of people living
around the old Michigan and Ohio muck fields, parts of Oklahoma and the
Kentucky Mountains. Their families came from Appalachia to the ‘muck’, a folk
term referring to the vast peat bogs that once dotted the Midwest in the early
to mid 1900s in order to find seasonal work in the onion fields that thrive
there. For nearly two centuries prior to that time the people’s ancestors had
maintained their Indian identity while living in a distinct Indian community
deep in the heart of Kentucky’s Appalachia . . . During that time, a few
expatriate Cherokee families attached themselves to the families of a band of
Christian Saponi . . . By the early 1800s, these citizen Indian families left
their homes off the New River in the Mountains of the Virginia-North Carolina
border region and ultimately formed the Greasy Rock, Stone Mountain, and
Salyersville Indian Communities.” Carlson speaks of “refugee Indian
families” (p 7-8). He speaks of three Indian populations, I.] Greasy Rock, ii.]
Stone Mountain, and iii.] Salyersville, then says “Just prior to the period when the prominent anthropologists, like
James Mooney and Frank Speck, were speculating on the identity and fate of
‘Eastern Indian Survivors’, other outside observers were characterizing these
three interrelated Indian populations as “Melungeon” and this trend continues
to this day. No confirmed etymology of this regionally specific label has been
developed, but most contend the word stems from the French mélange, meaning “mixed”
. . . (172)
From Pages
21-22; Most popular and professional
writers still accept the premise, generated in the 1800s, that Melungeon
History and heritage – biological and social – is forever lost to contemporary
researchers. Such outsiders have thus downplayed the people’s own assertions of
being Indians in favor of emphasizing the possibilities of White, Black,
Portuguese, Phoenician, Jewish, Moorish, Turkish, and/or Lost Colony ancestry
among them (even though all mention that these potential old-world ancestors
must have taken up with the Indians to bring forth the present population) . .
. A poignant example is apparent in a 1947 Saturday Evening Post article
focusing on the Greasy Rock population. Showing a photo of elder Asa Gibson,
the author wrote “were his ancestors Welsh warriors, Phoenicians, or Survivors
of Roanoke? . . . [Asa] says he’s 75 years old and an Indian (173).”
Saponi Indians at Fort Christanna
in 1716
Carlson mentions in 1716, a trip made to Fort Christanna, a place where the Saponi were settled by Gov. Spotswood. The governor visited the fort with a clergyman named Rev. John Fontaine. Fontaine mentioned the fort was located on the Meherren River, and about 200 Sapony Indians resided near the fort. Fontaine says he was surprised that some of them could speak good English.
Carlson then says (p 64); Fontaine spent a considerable amount of time conversing with the instructor of the Saponi Indian school, Rev. Charles Griffin. Frustrated at the repeated denials from the Virginia Council to fund a missionary schoolteacher for the Saponi, Spotswood still personally employed the English Clergyman. Fountaine found Griffin enthusiastically carrying out his mission “to teach the Indian children and bring them to Christianity”. Besides running the Fort’s church, Reverend Griffin’s work among the Saponi involved teaching their children to read the Bible and repeat “common prayers”. He was also teaching broader skills in speaking, reading, and writing English. Fontaine noted he “hath had good success amongst them.” One evening Fontaine attended a common prayer reading and noted that the eight Indian boys participating “answered very well to their prayers and understand what is read.” (174) . . . In 1716 Spotswood was reporting to the Bishop of London on the continued success of the school in operation for the Saponi, but desperately requested more funding. And the governor frequently made trips to the Saponi Reservation and the law officially “directing the Indian Company to take over the fort later in December” was passed. (175) Carlson speaks of several attacks from the Five Nations Indians and others, upon the Saponi and mentions the killing of some Catawba’s, whom it says are allies of the Saponi.
Whitmannetaughehee (176)
After the end of the Yamassee War the Catawba agreed to send 11 young men of the royal line to a school at Ft. Christanna. Whitman-ne-tau-ghe-hee was chief at this time. Eleven boys were delivered to Fort Christanna in April 1717. Hmmm . . . as I write, it is April 2017 – perhaps 300 years to the day, later. When I first saw his name Whitman-ne-tau-ghe-hee – I thought the “Whitman” part of his name was of English origin. But Brown provides alternate spellings – Wick-mau-na-tan-chee, Will-man-nan-tamgh-kee, and Wich-me-tan-che. He delivered 11 Catawba children of her chiefs as hostages to the Virginia governor after the end of the Yamassee War, dated April 15, 1717. I am writing this on the 14th, so tomorrow it will have been EXACTLY 300 years since that event. Brown says in his cabin were over 200 scalps. He became known as a legendary warrior. It is said he killed seven Seneca but eventually was captured by them who took him to New York to be tortured. However, he escaped, and returned home. He was also called Austuga or Sapona, and he ruled the Catawba about 1720. There is an implication here that he might have been Saponi himself.
Carlson mentions in 1716, a trip made to Fort Christanna, a place where the Saponi were settled by Gov. Spotswood. The governor visited the fort with a clergyman named Rev. John Fontaine. Fontaine mentioned the fort was located on the Meherren River, and about 200 Sapony Indians resided near the fort. Fontaine says he was surprised that some of them could speak good English.
Carlson then says (p 64); Fontaine spent a considerable amount of time conversing with the instructor of the Saponi Indian school, Rev. Charles Griffin. Frustrated at the repeated denials from the Virginia Council to fund a missionary schoolteacher for the Saponi, Spotswood still personally employed the English Clergyman. Fountaine found Griffin enthusiastically carrying out his mission “to teach the Indian children and bring them to Christianity”. Besides running the Fort’s church, Reverend Griffin’s work among the Saponi involved teaching their children to read the Bible and repeat “common prayers”. He was also teaching broader skills in speaking, reading, and writing English. Fontaine noted he “hath had good success amongst them.” One evening Fontaine attended a common prayer reading and noted that the eight Indian boys participating “answered very well to their prayers and understand what is read.” (174) . . . In 1716 Spotswood was reporting to the Bishop of London on the continued success of the school in operation for the Saponi, but desperately requested more funding. And the governor frequently made trips to the Saponi Reservation and the law officially “directing the Indian Company to take over the fort later in December” was passed. (175) Carlson speaks of several attacks from the Five Nations Indians and others, upon the Saponi and mentions the killing of some Catawba’s, whom it says are allies of the Saponi.
Whitmannetaughehee (176)
After the end of the Yamassee War the Catawba agreed to send 11 young men of the royal line to a school at Ft. Christanna. Whitman-ne-tau-ghe-hee was chief at this time. Eleven boys were delivered to Fort Christanna in April 1717. Hmmm . . . as I write, it is April 2017 – perhaps 300 years to the day, later. When I first saw his name Whitman-ne-tau-ghe-hee – I thought the “Whitman” part of his name was of English origin. But Brown provides alternate spellings – Wick-mau-na-tan-chee, Will-man-nan-tamgh-kee, and Wich-me-tan-che. He delivered 11 Catawba children of her chiefs as hostages to the Virginia governor after the end of the Yamassee War, dated April 15, 1717. I am writing this on the 14th, so tomorrow it will have been EXACTLY 300 years since that event. Brown says in his cabin were over 200 scalps. He became known as a legendary warrior. It is said he killed seven Seneca but eventually was captured by them who took him to New York to be tortured. However, he escaped, and returned home. He was also called Austuga or Sapona, and he ruled the Catawba about 1720. There is an implication here that he might have been Saponi himself.
This story
is also told in the “Cherokee Phoenix”.
For a
Warrior or a chief, their exploits are to be made known. For an enemy to tell
the tale, it is more honor still. Here is what the Cherokee said of this man in
“The Cherokee Phoenix” in 1829; over a hundred years after his deeds were performed. I
am thankful to the Cherokee for preserving this story.
INDIAN PROWESS
Of the active as well as the passive fortitude of the
Indian character, the following is an instance related by Adair in his travels.
A party of the Seneca Indians came to war against the
Ka-tah-be, or Catawba, bitter enemies to each other. In the woods the former
discovered a sprightly warrior belonging to the latter, hunting in their usual
light dress; on his perceiving them, he sprang off for a hollow rock four or
five miles distant, as they intercepted him from running homeward. He was so
extremely swift and skillful with the gun, as to kill seven of them in the
running fight before they were able to surround and take him. They carried him
to their country in sad triumph; but though he had filled them with uncommon
grief and shame for the loss of so many of their kindred, yet the love of martial
virtue induced them to treat him, during their long journey with a great deal
more civility than if he had acted the part of a coward. The women and children
when they met him at their several towns, beat and whipped him in as severe
manner as the occasion required, according to their law of justice, and at last
he was formally condemned to die by the fiery torture. It might reasonably be
imagined that what he had for some time gone through by being fed with a scanty
hand, a tedious march, lying on the bare ground at night, exposed to the
changes of the weather, with his arms and legs extended in a pair of rough
stocks, and suffering such punishments on entering their hostile towns, as a
prelude to those sharp torments for which he was destined, would so have
impaired his health, and effected his imagination as to have sent him to his
long sleep, out of the way of more sufferings. Probably this would have been
the case with the major part of white people under similar circumstances; but I
never knew this with any of the Indians; and this cool headed, brave warrior
did not deviate from their rough lessons of martial virtue, but acted his part
so well as to surprise and sorely vex his numerous enemies; for when they were
taking him unpinioned, in their wild parage, to the place of torture, which lay
near to a river, he suddenly dashed down those who stood in his way, sprung off
and plunged into the water, swimming underneath like and otter, only rising to
take breath, till he reached the opposite shore. He now ascended the steep
bank; but though he had good reason to be in a hurry, as many of the enemy were
in the water, and other running, very like blood hounds, in pursuit of him, and
the bullets flying around him from the time he took the river, yet his heart
did not allow him to leave them abruptly without taking leave in a formal
manner, in return for the extraordinary favors they had done and intended to do
him. After his slapping a part of his body in defiance to them, he put up the
shrill war-whoop as his last salute, till some more convenient opportunity
offered, & darted in the manner of a beast broke loose from its torturing
enemies. He continued his speed so as to run by about midnight of the same day
as far as his pursuers were two days in reaching. There he rested, till he
happily discovered five of those Indians who pursued him. He lay hid a little
way off their camp till they were sound asleep. Every circumstance of his
situation occurred to him and inspired him with heroism. He was naked, torn and
hungry, and his enraged enemies were come up with him-but there was everything
to relieve his wants, and a fair opportunity to save his life, and get great
honor and sweet revenge by cutting them off. Resolution, a convenient spot, and
sudden surprise, would affect the main object of his wishes, and hopes. He
accordingly creeped [sic], and took one of their tomahawks, and killed them all
on the spot, clothed himself, took a choice gun, and as much ammunition and
provisions as he could well carry in a running march. He set of afresh with a
light heart, & did not sleep for several processive nights, only when he
reclined as usual, a little before day, with his back to a tree. As it were by
instinct when he found he was free from the pursuing enemy, he made directly to
the very place where he had killed seven of his enemies, and was taken for the
fiery torture. He digged[sic] them up, burnt their bodies to ashes and went
home in safety with singular triumph. Other pursuing enemies came on the
evening of the second day, to the camp of their dead people, when the sight
gave them a greater shock than they had ever known before.- In their chilled
war Council they concluded, that as he had done such surprising things in his
defense before he was captivated, and since in his naked condition, and now was
well armed, if they continued the pursuit, he would spoil them all, for he
surely was an enemy wizard; and therefore they returned home.
QUIXOTE
Cherokee Nation, 11th March 1829
Even More Troubles with Neighboring
Tribes
Pages 70 to
95 of Carlson’s Dissertation discuss from about 1718-1728. The author talks
about the Indians at Fort Christanna, saying that although they went under the
name of Saponi, they were a Occoneechi, Stengenocks, Meipotskis, Outaponies, and
Tutelo. (177)
There is a
story of an Indian named “Sawney” who had recently returned to Virginia from
Canada. He had been captured by the “French Indians”. He escaped about 1724 and
returned to Virginia. Once in Virginia, he was arrested and was accused of threatening
the inhabitants with incursions from his former allies, the “French Indians”
from Canada. He denied bringing messages to the Saponis. (178)
The
Northern Indians did continue their attacks in Virginia. Carlson says; “More
Virginia settlers were killed by Iroquois in the winter of 1725-1726 . . . the
sachems of the Five Nations replied . . . “it
was some of their warriors operating without authority in conjunction with some
French Indians and Tuscaroras who committed the killings.” (179) The sachems of the Iroquois defended their
warriors, saying the killing of the Virginians was a mistake, and that they
were really after “enemy Indians”. It
was recorded that about this time, seven Saponi were killed or captured by some
Tuscarora warriors. Other accounts have said seven Catawba warriors were
killed. This makes sense when we know the Saponi are Catawba.
In 1727 the
Saponi came to the Virginia Assembly in Williamsburg and asked for
satisfaction. The Saponi said in the Virginians took no action on the
Tuscarora, they would take the matter into their own hands. Virginia did
nothing, so the Saponi went to the Catawba and asked them for help. The Catawba
did take action. This tells us a lot. The Saponi were weak. The Catawba felt as
though they were strong. The Catawba felt an obligation to defend the Saponi.
And remember, in all of this, we are not just talking about the Saponi alone,
but ALL the northern bands, and others who had gone to Fort Christanna. They
all became known collectively as the Saponi.
There was
an attack on the Meherrin Indians, who complained to the same Virginia Assembly
the Saponis had complained to the previous year. They blamed the Occoneechi’s
and Saponis. And the Nottaways complained the Meherrins had attacked them. The
Saponis with the Catawba attacked the Tuscarora, of King Blount’s Town. North
Carolina officials meanwhile, blamed the Catawba as the primary instigator of
these feuds, also holding the Saponi and Occoneechi responsible. These tribes
were all attacking each other, as they had always done. But their numbers had
dwindled to a pitiful few.
Governor
Spotswood had retired and was replaced by Governor Gooch, and he was not as
friendly towards the Saponi as his predecessor. The Virginians had done nothing
to help the Saponi when they asked for help after seven of their men were
killed, while the Catawba did come to their aid. To add to this mistrust, three
Saponi men were accused of killing two Nottaway’s. Three Saponi chiefs were
held in jail until those guilty of the killings were brought forward. The
killing of the son of the Tutelo chief also added fuel to the fire. A report
came in (page 76) that John Sauna (Sawnie) and a fellow named Ben Harrison
(apparently an Indian named after the White trader), went south to bring up one
hundred Catawba warriors to protest the incarceration of the three Saponi men .
. . the Saponi said that if Captain Tom was hung, they would take their wives
and children over the Roanoke, and then return to drive the Whites and Negroes
to the James River, and go to war. (180)
The Tutelo
king, grieving over the death of his son, threatened the life of the governor,
saying then he’d go off to some foreign Indians. The old Tutelo king was
ordered to be arrested, but Carlson says he found no evidence that this ever
happened. These events are probably the actions taken that inspired the Tutelo
to retire north with their enemies, the Six Nations. According to Carlson, Byrd
stated (p 93) that the executions by the colonists of three Saponi caused the
Saponi to remove to the Catawba’s. This too seems to have been the catalyst
that led to the Tutelo's decision to leave for the Six Nations forever.
This takes
us to the end of 1728, and the end of Carlson’s first chapter. From 1714 to
1728 the Saponis, Tutelos, Occoneechis, and others came together. War with the
Iroquois, and pressure from the colonists forced this option upon them.
However, pressures from the colonists to make them conform to colonial laws
also alienated them. They did obtain satisfaction from the Catawba, their
allies.
According
to Carlson, Byrd stated (p 93) that the executions by the colonists of three
Saponi caused the Saponi to remove to the Catawba’s.
As a result
of the Treaty of Middle Plantation of 1677, the Saponi were one of several
tributary tribes of Virginia. On page 59, Carlson talks of Virginia Governor
Spotswood long desiring to educate the Indians. One clause of that treaty, the
6th, said – [VI.] That no Indian king or queen shall be imprisoned without a
special warrant from his majesty’s governor and two of the Council. That no
other Indian shall be imprisoned without a warrant from a Justice of the Peace
and without sufficient cause of commitment. To the Saponi it might have seemed
that the English had violated tis provision of the treaty in their treatment of
the Tutelo king.
On page 52,
Carlson speaks of the Saponi, mentioning how in 1732, William Byrd III spoke of
the Indians at Fort Christanna, saying they were really a consolidation of
several tribes; and “each of these was formerly a distinct nation, or rather
several clans or canton’s of the same nation, speaking the same language, and
using the same customs.”
There are some
interesting comments about the Indians way of life. First is the mention of
corn. Carlson is paraphrasing Byrd. When talking of the colonists he calls
“borderers, meaning the people that lived on the Virginia/North Carolina border
(P. 82), Byrd also decries the “borderers” means of economy and subsistence;
especially in North Carolina where he contemptuously stated they raised Indian
corn instead of tobacco and fruit orchards which he blamed on laziness. Indian
corn, he noted; “. . . is of so great
increase that a little pains will subsist a very large family with bread . . .”
(181)
Continuing,
Carlson writes (P. 85), still quoting Byrd,
“. . .one way of converting these poor infidels, and reclaiming them from
barbarity and that is, charitably intermarry with them according with the
modern policy of the most Christian King in Canada and Louisiana.” He
continues saying that had the English done as the French, the country would be
swarming with more people than it has insects, and . . . even their copper coloured
complexion would admit of bleaching, if not in the first, at the farthest in
the second generation . . . it is strange, therefore, that any good Christian
should have refused a wholesome, straight bed-fellow, when he might have so
fair a portion with her, as the merit of saving her soul. (182) This type of
talk would lead to the term Melungeon later on, which in French, means “we mix”.
Byrd had a
Saponi guide, Ned Bearskin. It was said this was his hunting name. Ned it was
said, was a great hunter and kept them fed. It was said that Ned spoke English
very well.
The Saponi Boomerang the Catawba,
1729-1738
I'm using
“boomerang” as a verb meaning the Saponi went to live with the Catawba, then
returned back near Fort Christanna.
(P. 91)
Speaking of March 1729, Carlson writes; “. . .most of the Saponi were still at
Christanna in June, although some families had already left to join the Catawba
and/or other Tutelo now living far from the Christanna reservation.” One of the
main reasons that the Saponi left Christanna was the hanging of a Saponi elder.
A drunken Saponi leader had earlier killed an Englishman. (P. 93). Carlson
states “. . . the Sapony’s took this so
much to heart, that soon after quitted their settlement and moved in a body to
the Cataubas.” (183)
“By late in
the summer of 1729, the Saponi and confederated bands and families that
remained with them finally departed the Christanna Reservation. This
abandonment of the Reservation would begin a diaspora of the people that once
resided there. Comments later made by John Mitchell in 1755 stated that, in
1729, both the Saponi and the Tutelo “had removed further South upon the heads
of the Pee Dee”at the Northern end of what was known as Catawba Territory. Byrd
also noted that the Saponi removed to Catawba Territory that year. He explained
that this people is now made up of the remnant of several other nations, of
which the most considerable are the Saponey’s, Occoneechi’s, and the
Steukenhocks (Eno), who not finding themselves separately numerous enough for
their defense, have agreed to unite into one body, and all of them now go under
the name of the Sappony. . . A French map published late in 1729 reveals that
one faction labeled labeled the “Sapon Nahisan” had removed far west from the
extent of settlement far up on the headwaters of the Roanoke River. (184)
Speaking of
the Tutelo, (P. 94) Carlson says they wondered up and down the Appalachians
until 1740 when they joined their old enemies, the Iroquois. In 1730 (P. 95)
the Catawba and Saponi living with them, asked to make a treaty with Virginia.
Nothing came of it. In 1732, Byrd, speaking of the Catawba, said “their population of more than 400 fighting
men was spread through six towns on the Santee River in Carolina along a 20-mile
stretch.” (185)
Since the
Saponi had abandoned their homes at Fort Christanna, the state of Virginia
assumed they have abandoned it. This is possibly why the Catawba and Saponi
with them asked for a new treaty with Virginia. The Virginian’s apparently
weren’t interested. By the winder of 1730, the Virginia Council decided to sell
off the reservation. Carlson finds only one reference to the Saponi in the
Carolinas on Catawba lands. He speaks of the Tuscarora harassing a small band
of Settlement Indians.
By 1732 (P.
96) the Saponi living with the Catawba decided to leave them. The Saponi
Indians asked the state of Virginia if they could return, and also asked if the
Sara (Saura/Cheraw) (186) could come with them. The Virginians agreed to this,
and promised them an equal amount of land that they had lost at Christanna, so
long as it was not settled, either on the Roanoke or Appomattox Rivers. They
built a fort near their old haunts, near Fort Christanna. Carlson goes on to
say there was immediately tension as before, between the Saponi and the
Nottaway. The Tuscarora, the Nottaway, and the Five Nations (Iroquois)
continually attacked the Saponi. Eventually the Virginians, sided with the
Saponi, and eventually local militias in Virginia helped subside the tensions
between rival groups. Even King Blunt of the Tuscarora, attempting to mediate
an end to the war, asked the Saponi to join him. There is no record of a
response from the Saponi. It appears the Saponi abandoned their fort in
Brunswick County, and are not found again in historic documents (by Carlson)
until 1735. Two bands of the Saponi and Tutelo are found in the Mountains of
North Carolina. Carlson says (Pp. 99-100); “One era map also shows that a band
of the Occoneechi had split off from the main body of the Saponi, and by 1733
were living off the trading path where it crossed the Eno or the Flatt River in
North Carolina. Bricknells 1737 publication reported that in the year 1735
and/or 36, the band of Saponi closely associated with the Catawba was located
on the Clarendon River (in the west branch of the Cape Fear River) in North
Carolina. This Sapona Village was some five to six days ‘over the mountains’
far removed from colonial settlements. Bricknell also mentions that the
‘Totera’ then had a village somewhere nearby this Saponi town, although deeper
into the mountains. Of the people of these two villages, Bricknell wrote that
they usually do not “make visits amongst
us except to be their traders who bring us their skins and furs.”
Carlson
continues on the documentary trail of the Saponi like a bloodhound on the trail
of a raccoon. The next reference Carlson discovers is in 1737, where there is a
reference to ‘Saponi cabins” that appear to still be inhabited, in Amelia
County, Virginia. This Saponi community was located on a branch of Winningham
Creek, a tributary of the Appomattox River. This was near a former trading post
run by Colonel John Bolling. Carlson states that although there is no longer a
trading post in the area, the Bolling family was still in the area. He states
that both Bolling and the Saponi were friends of Colonel Mumford. Recall that
earlier the Saponi were offered lands near this area, but there is no record,
according to Carlson, of them receiving the lands.
The lands
the Virginians had given the Saponi, Fort Chritanna, were taken away from them.
They had just left the Catawba only to realize they would not be allowed back
at Fort Christanna, as their land had been given to others in their absence. They
were seeking a new place to call home. Some went to Louisa County, Virginia.
Others went live with the Catawba, and a third group went to Northern North
Carolina, living near where the state recognized Saponi are located today. Our
Melungeon Band and it appears the Monacans (they are state recognized) as well
went up to Louisa County, Virginia. Louisa County is about 40 or so miles North
of where the “Saponi Cabins” were found. It is also on the Anna River, where
the Saponi were told they could live, or move by the Virginia authorities once
they discovered they’d lost Fort Christanna. Just to the North of Louisa County
is Orange County, where the home of Governor Spotswood was located. That is
where the Saponi were chased off the land for stealing hogs and scaring some of
the farmers. Oops, I’m getting ahead of myself.
I have
recently discovered someone who provided a reason for the Saponi losing their
status as “Tributary” Indians. It was found here –
December 10, 2016 ·
The Loss of the Saponi Nation Reservation
December
10, 1730 ... on this date, 286 years ago, the Virginia House of Burgesses
abrogated the Treaty of Peace with the Saponi Nation of Indians and dissolved
the Fort Christanna reservation. In part, this may have been done in response
to a request for compensation from colonial rangers who had been assigned to
“protect” the Saponi reservation.
The House of Burgesses justified this action by using
a clause found in the treaty which stated that if the population of the
reservation ever fell below a certain number, the 1713 treaty of peace with
Virginia could be abrogated.
At the time of the abrogation of the treaty, the
fort’s colonial rangers had failed to protect the Saponi during an escalating
war of vengeance with the Nottoway and their allies the Six Nations. This war
forced the Saponi to flee the reservation, going south to seek protection from
their relatives in the Catawba Nation. The House of Burgesses claimed that the
Saponi peoples had become part of the Catawba Nation and granted several petitioners
the reservation land.
The Saponi Nation Reservation was the size of an
English township or 6 miles square (equivalent to 36 square miles) and was
located in Brunswick County, Virginia near the town of Lawrenceville. I was able to contact Lawrence, the
man who created the above post, and ask him where I could find the material he
cited. Here is his response:
There is an earlier reference to Virginian and
colonial rangers being compensated with land for helping move certain member
tribes of the Saponi Nation to Fort Christanna. The reservation was lost to
wealthy Virginians. You can find it in the records of the Virginia House of
Burgesses. I do not have the exact situation with me at this time. I hope this
helps. (187)
It is here
(p. 101) that Carlson starts referring to the “Christian Band” of the Saponi.
Carlson’s next reference – “By 1738, a
Christian Band of the Saponi had established a new village a little further
north on the personal lands of the now ex-Governor of Virginia, Alexander
Spotswood, who had retired upon his plantation in neighboring Spotsylvania
County. Apparently, the band had gained permission from him to reside on Fox’s
Neck of the Rapidan River in Orange County, not far from old Fort Germanna. This
Christian Band of the Saponi would be able to maintain residence here for some
time in the company of their old benefactor. To put this all in proper
perspective, Governor Spotswood built his plantation next to the old Germanna
Settlement. The old Germanna Settlement was built on the location not far from
where an old Monacan village had stood only forty years previously. Since the
Indians had left, settlers had moved in. Both the Monacan and Saponi had signed
the Treaty of 1677. It appeared that Governor Spotswood was aware of the 1677 treaty
with the Saponi, but perhaps Gov. Gooch was not. The Indians had become again
what they once were, before moving to Fort Christanna. However, things would
never be the same. Some, perhaps all of them spoke English now. Those to become
“Melungeons” were first called “Christian Indians” and “Citizen Indians”.
At the same time the English Governors of the 1730s started ignoring their own
treaty of 1677, it was so long ago, a half a century.
“From 1738 on, the Orange County Court records mention
various petitions from Alexander Marchatoon, John Sauna, John Collins, John
Bowling, and others, all of whom are described there specifically as “Christian
Saponey Indians.” (188)
Carlson
notes one change. Whereas the Saponi had been considered “Tributary Indians”
before they left Fort Christanna, this distinction no longer applied
afterwards. He says pp. 101-102, with respect to these Christian Saponi; “. . . these Saponi were no longer treated
as members of a Tributary Nation but more fully known as “Citizen Indians” by
the Virginians. There were to be consequences to this. After the death of their
old advocate, ex-Governor Alexander Spotswood in 1740, complaints against
Christian Saponi began being forwarded to county authorities by local settlers.
“In 1740 a local farmer named William Bohannon
complained that ’26 of the Indians who inhabit Fox’s Neck were firing the
woods’. He also accused them of killing some of his free ranging pigs.” He said he had “lost more pigs than usual since the coming of the Indians.” He
says the Indians were being called into court, and were being accused of “doing mischief”. The following year
Bohannon came again to Orange County officials complaining that he thought the
Indians had shot at him.
Then
Carlson adds, “The bands troubles would
climax in the winter of 1743 when a number of Saponi men had their guns seized
and found themselves arrested. The Saponi men named John Collins, Alex
Machartion, John Bowling, Craft Tom, Blind Tom, Foolish Jack, Charles Griffen,
Little Jack, Isaac and Harvey were taken before the Orange County court for
trial ‘by precept under the hands and seals of William Russell and Ed Spencer,
gentleman’, under the charges of stealing hogs, burning the woods, and
terrifying one Lawrence Strothers. Strothers had even claimed that he was shot
at and chased by the Saponi in the backwoods. The Saponi men were ordered held
in jail until bonded, after which they were ordered to leave the county.
Interestingly, several White men sympathetic to the Saponi predicament, ‘went
security on their bail bonds,’ after which they were released and openly
declared their intentions to depart the county within a week, at which time
their guns would be returned.” (189)
The Saponi and their Relations; Crisis
to Crisis, and Back Again
p
41. Following the identity of the Saponi from documents recorded before this
1743 incident, it becomes clear that this band was previously a part of the
composite Indian community that, some twenty-five years earlier, had flourished
at Fort Christanna Reservation down on the Meherrin River . . . The Christian
Band of the Saponi were also living legacy of the Saponi signers of the
infamous Treaty of Middle Plantation of 1677.
p 52. Recall
in 1732 William Byrd III recalled the configuration of these Siouan tribes
consolidating at the Fort Christanna Reservation. He described how “. . . each of these was formerly a distinct
nation, or rather several clans or canton’s of the same nation, speaking the
same language, and using the same customs.”
Starting p.
59, Carlson says; Governor Spotswood had long proposed to educate Indians in
their own towns . . . The governor argued elsewhere that, by educating the
Indians in their own villages, Virginia could go far to “banage [sic] savage
customs in a generation or two” among the tribes where they could be made more “. . . useful as neighbors” . . . As
Spotswood perceived it, the Colony’s military and economic interests directly
related to his long-standing conviction of wanting to “Christianize and civilize the Tributarys.” The Indians living in
the colony of Virginia were called in those days “tributary” Indians.
Carlson
continues, “Late in the summer of 1743,
Governor Gooch of Virginia reported that the Saponies and other petty nations
associated with them had left Virginia and were again residing in the Carolinas
with the Catawba.” Carlson reports that while some Saponi would forever
remain with the Catawba, this Christian Band of Saponi would separate from
them. He speaks of three Saponi bands that he describes as the Tutelo-Saponi,
the Catawba Saponi, and this Christian Band of the Saponi. He will eventually
link this Christian band with those people later termed “Melungeons”.
The
“Christian Band” of the Saponi, according to Carlson, had its start at Fort
Christanna. Most of the Saponi were not responsive to the efforts on the behalf
of Governor Spotswood’s school for the Saponi. A part of that education was an
attempt to turn the heathen into Christians. But it appears that the school
master, Charles Griffin, had an effect on a few of the Indians, and they must
have converted to Christianity.
Carlson
speaks of the two other bands, one that went to live with the Catawba, and a
second, the Tutelo, who went north to live with Six Nations. This third band
went to live in the vicinity of ex-Governor Spotswood, at a place called Fox
Neck. Carlson says “The Orange County records also confirm that no interpreter
was ever required in dealing with the Christian band when they found themselves
in court. It also shows that the old policy observed by Reverend Fontaine at
Fort Christanna less than three decades earlier, was no longer in force amongst
the Christian Saponi.” Fontaine had maintained that the Saponi required
interpreters, and their elders always spoke in their own language even if they
could speak English, in their dealings with colonial officials. Carlson
continues, “The Christian Band of the
Saponi had established an identity distinct and separate from the Catawba
Saponi or the Tutelo-Saponi refugees to the Iroquois country from at least 1738
onward.” Carlson states that from the late 1730s until the Revolutionary
War, that only those families associated with the Orange County Saponi are
referred to in the records as “Christian Saponi”.
Orange
County records from 1738-1743 refer to several Saponi living in the area. They
include Alex Machartion, John Collins, John Bowling, Charles Griffen, and other
“Christian Indians.” The following names are also mentioned – Manicassa,
Foolish Jack, Little Jack, Isaac, Harry, Captain Tom and Blind Tom. Charles
Griffen appears to have taken his name from Rev. Griffin, a former school
teacher at the Fort Christanna school. Captain Joseph Collins negotiated the
release of Sauna from the “French Indians” in 1722. Carlson speculates p 107,
“evidence available from written records made subsequent to 1743, it is quite
possible to surmise that John Collins is the son of “Captain Tom”, for an elder
named Tom Collins is shown living with John and the rest of the Christian
Saponi in the years immediately following their expulsion from Orange County.
If this is so, one might further speculate that Blind Tom is Tom’s father.”
Carlson suspects the Bowling surname came amongst the Christian Band of the
Saponi in the 1730s while living in Amelia County. The well-known Powhattan
mixed-blood family had for generations operated a trading house at the Falls of
the Appomattox.
Per Carlson, “Exactly when and how the treaty
obligations stemming from the 1677 and subsequent agreements with the Saponi
were abolished, ignored or forgotten by Virginia authorities is not known.
After 1733 no mention of the colony recognizing any treaty obligations to the
Saponi appears in Virginia records. Regardless, by at least 1738, the Christian
Saponi were being treated as Individual Citizen Indians as opposed to the
political entity of ‘Tributary Indians’.”
Carlson
says . . . in 1743 the Christian Saponi went south to live near Catawba lands,
however by in 1745 they were back in Virginia, in Louisa County, near to their
former lands in Orange County (p 111), in the mountains south of Rapidan
Station. The Christian Saponi would reside in the area for some time and would
be noted as “Nassayn” (Saponi for ‘the People’) on 1749-1750 era maps. Names listed
living in this area are Sam and William Collins, along men named George and
Thomas Gibson [author’s note: my ancestor], Sam Bunch, Ben Branham, and a few
others were charged with by Louisa County court of ‘concealing tithables’ . . .
On page 112, “The likely source for the charge . . . was Virginia law that
stipulated that, in addition to all adult males, all Indian, Negro and Mulatto
women over 16 years of age were also tithable, unlike white women of the same
age. . .The Christian Saponi may have felt they should be free from taxation as
rightful heirs of the Tributary Nation. But as far as the Virginia government
was concerned, the tributary status no longer applied. This being the case,
they would now have to be subject to the Virginia Act of May 1723. The act
stipulated that ‘all free Negroes, mulattos, Indians, (except tributary Indians
to this government) male and female, above 16 years, and all wives of such
Negroes, mulattos, or Indians (except Indians tributary to this government)
shall be accounted tithable . . . Social and economic barriers based on race
labels would become a greater concern for these Christian Indians now that they
had lost their political status as tributary Indians.
Please
recall the 1750 and 1756 maps from earlier. The 1750 map has “Nausie” and the
1756 map has a “Nassaw.” Are these the “Nassayn”? In fact the deerskin map from
1725 drawn by the Catawba themselves has “Nassaw”. If you drop the “N” sound
you have “Assaw” which is very similar to 'Esaw” or “Yesaw”. These things all
show a similar origin between the Saponi and the Catawba.
We have
followed the documentation of the Saponi Indians from 1729-1743. The presence
amongst them of a "Charley Griffen" ties them back to old Fort
Christanna, and the teacher there, a Reverend Charles Griffin. Once they left Fort
Christanna, they lived for a time with the Catawba, and for a time with former
Governor Spotswood. They wondered in search of new homes, with tribal unity
disappearing, as a few remote families are gradually being absorbed into the
frontier lifestyles of their white neighbors. In 1743 families again started to
return to the Catawba. They simply didn't know where to go or what to do. The
next section covers the timeframe when these Christian Saponi Indians became
known more commonly as "Melungeons."
Treaty of Lancaster 1744
I must also
mention the Lancaster Treaty of 1744. It was signed between the Six Nations and
the English settlers:
http://jeffersonswest.unl.edu/archive/view_doc.php?id=jef.00083. A part of that
treaty that mentions Virginia is below;
July 2, 1744
To all people to whom these presents shall come
Conasatugo, Tachanoontia, Joneehat, Caxhayion, Torachdadon, Neerohanyah, and
Roiirrawarkto, Sachims or Chiefs of ye Nation of the Onondagoes, Saquihsonyunt,
Gashraddodon, Hurasaly-akon, Rowamhohiso, Ocoghquah, Seayenties, Sachims or
Chiefs of ye nation of ye Cahugas, Cwadamy alies Shirketiney, Onishudagua,
Onothkallydaroy, alias Watsatuha, Toshashwaroiororow, Anighosharvand
Tiorkaasoy, Sachims or Chiefs of ye nation of the Senekers send greeting.
Whereas the Six United Nations of Indians laying claim
to some lands in the colony of Virginia signified their willingness to enter
into a treaty concerning the Same-- Whereupon Thomas Lee, Esq., a Member in
Ordinary of his Majesty's honorable Council of State and one of the Judges of
the Supreme Court of Judicature in that Colony and William Beverly, Esq.,
Colonel and County Lieutenant of the County of Orange and one of the
representatives of the people in the House of Burgesses of that Colony were
deputed by the Governor of the said Colony as Commissioners to treat with the
said Six Nations or their Deputies Sachims or Chiefs, as well of and concerning
their said Claim, as to renew their Covenant Chain between the said Colony and
the said Six Nations, and the said Commissioners having met at Lancaster in
Lancaster County and province of Pennsylvania and as a foundation for a
stricter Amity and peace at this juncture, agreed with the said Sachims or
Chiefs of the said Six Nations for a Disclaimer and Renunciation of all their
Claim or pretense of Right whatsoever of the said six nations and an
acknowledgement of the Right of our Sovereign the King of Great Britain to all
the Land in the said Colony of Virginia.
Now know ye that for and in consideration of the Sum
of four hundred pounds Current money of Pennsylvania, paid and delivered to the
above named Sachims or Chiefs partly in Goods & partly in Gold Money by the
said Commissioners, they said Sachims or Chiefs on behalf of the said Six
Nations Do hereby renounce and disclaim not only all the Right of the said Six
Nations but also recognize and acknowledge the Right and Title of our Sovereign
the King of Great Britain to all the Land within the said the said Colony as it
is now or hereafter may be peopled and bounded by his said Majesty our
Sovereign Lord the King his Heirs and on behalf of the people of the Six
Nations aforesaid have hereunto set their hands & Seals this Second day of
July in the 18th year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Second King
of Great Britain and in the year of our Lord 1744.
Signed by all the people names Chiefs Signed Seald and
Delivered in the presence of EDM'D JENNINGS. At a General Court held at the
Capitol Oct. 25th, 1744, This Deed Poll was proved by ye Oaths of Edm'd
Jennings, Esq., Phillip Ludwell, Esq. and William Black, three witnesses
thereto and by the Court ordered to be recorded.
The
important part, as far as the Catawba and Associated Bands are concerned, is
that the Six Nations renounce their claims to the lands on which the Catawba
and bands associated with them, live. However by this time the Catawba and
Associated Bands had almost vanished from history. This treaty did, however,
end Six Nation excursions southward to attack the Catawba.
References:
153. Tutelo, Saponi, Nahyssan,
Monacan, aka Piedmont Catawba Tribe of the Ohio Valley, Virginia, Carolina, New
York, Pennsylvania, and Six Nations/Ontario, Canada compiled by Ric hard
Haithcock, Saponi. Publication date November 11, 2004.
154. Ditto
155. Ditto
156. Ditto
157. 1722 Treaty of Albany; http://treatiesportal.unl.edu/earlytreaties/treaty.00001.html
; Conference between Governor Spotswood and the Five Nations; [New-York
Papers., Cc., 102–104.]; Propositions made to the Five Nations of Indians to
wit the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondages Cayouges & Sinnekees, by His Excellcy
Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of His Matys Dominion of Virginia in Albany ye
29 Aug 1722; PRESENT — His Excellcy Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of Virginia;
Coll Nathaniel Harrison Esqre of His Majestys Council of Virginia
Coll William Robinson Esqre a
Member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia; Interpreted by Lawrence Claese
after it was translated into Dutch by Robt Livingston
158.
Tutelo, Saponi, Nahyssan,
Monacan, aka Piedmont Catawba Tribe of the Ohio Valley, Virginia, Carolina, New
York, Pennsylvania, and Six Nations/Ontario, Canada compiled by Ric hard
Haithcock, Saponi. Publication date November 11, 2004.
158. Ditto
159. Ditto
160. Ditto
161. Ditto
162. Ditto
163. Ditto
164. Ditto
165. Ditto
166. Ditto
167. Ditto
168. Ditto
169. Ditto
170. Ditto
172. Ditto
173. Ditto
174. Ditto
175. Ditto
176. http://www.wcu.edu/library/DigitalCollections/CherokeePhoenix/Vol2/no02/pg2col1.htm;
Cherokee Phoenix and Indians' Advocate; Wednesday, March 25, 1829; Vol. II, no.
2; Page 2, col. 1a
177.
'Who's your people?':
Cumulative identity among the Salyersville Indian population of Kentucky's
Appalachia and the Midwest muck fields, 1677--2000. by Dr. Richard Allen
Carlson Jr.; Michigan State University178. Ditto
179. Ditto
180. Ditto
181. Ditto
182. Ditto
183. Ditto
184. Ditto
185. Ditto
186. Ditto
187.
Virginia House of Burgesses
189. Ditto
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