Tuesday, October 2, 2018

Catawba -- Saponi -- Melungeon; Ch. 8; The Saponi


CHAPTER VIII – THE SAPONI
[still editing]
I have gone over one band of the Catawba who separated from the others. Another, the Saponi, did the same. Remember that sometimes a settlement might be mentioned in the notes of an earlier explorer, and that settlement might just be a hunting camp. Men hunted for game during the hunting season. War chiefs who couldn’t protect their people would be shamed, and possibly be replaced. We can easily misinterpret what we see.
We hear of the English conducting slave raids into western parts of Virginia by the 1640s or 50s. We have Saponi society in turmoil as a result of these slave raids. We know that thirty years earlier they were some of the northernmost bands of the Catawba, but their numbers had been greatly reduced and they moved to live near Salisbury, NC. By the 1670s, before the Tuscarora War, they moved closer to the Tuscarora. Then Governor Spotswood of Virginia invited them back to Virginia saying he'd protect them, and they took him up on that offer. They moved to Fort Christanna, just north of the North Carolina/Virginia border in the east. Most history books say they were seeking protection from their ancient enemies, the Iroquois from New York. But I think they sought protection from slave raids, too. They made another attempt to live with the Catawba in 1730, but they moved back to Fort Christanna shortly thereafter. 
The story of the Melungeons begins shortly after this timeframe. But we can see they were used to living a mobile life, moving from place to place every few years. 
I remember my mother telling a story about a group of German families that had moved into Tillman County, Oklahoma, when she was a little girl. The land was first opened to White settlement in 1906. A piece of land called “The Big Pasture (152) in part of Tillman County was given away to lucky families whose names were drawn in a lottery. 
She used to talk about those German families. One thing I remember her saying was that you could tell the German owned houses because they always lined their driveways with cedar trees. She’d also say that the German grandparents couldn't speak any English at all. Their children spoke both English and German. The grand children (my parent's age) often spoke only English. It was difficult for the grandkids to speak with their grandparents. If dad heard her telling this story he would interrupt. He’d mention the time one of the elderly German men walked up to him, and as Dad’d put it; “started talking gibberish”. Dad, who was a child at the time, said it startled him so that he just took off running. The point I am trying to make is that the same thing was happening to the Saponi. There came a generation who spoke both English and Saponi. Most of their children spoke only English. We know when the German kids lost their language, there were still plenty of other people who still spoke it – in Germany. But there was no one left to speak the Saponi language. Once this happened, they lost their old stories forever. Loss of the language meant loss of culture. They assimilated in just a few generations. Their language quickly became extinct. Lost in this is they had managed to survive the genocide. Their nation was gone. But some of the people remained to pass down fragmented stories, partially true, partly just legend.
It is interesting to realize that a Saponi child born in 1690 could have been born in Western parts of Virginia, moved to Central/Western North Carolina at the age of 10 by 1700, gone East to live at Fort Christanna by the age of 30, went to live with the Catawba by the age of 40 in 1730. He might have been 50-55 years old and living at ex-Governor Spotswood's plantation in the early 1740s when they were ordered to leave the county. His children might have been born at Fort Christanna about 1715 or 1720. As such, they would have spoken both Saponi and English. The next generation might have been born about 1740 or so, at ex-Governor Spotswood's Plantation, and they might have known only a few words of their own Saponi language, English having become their first language. They would have had a hard time conversing with their grandparents. The generation born by the 1770s would have only a few old family stories of their Indian heritage that had been passed down. But they continued to travel together, as they once had done as a tribe. When the world discovered them, and started calling them “Melungeons” they were a mixed-race remnant (perhaps mixed-Caucasian, perhaps mixed- Black, or tri-racial) of a once powerful Indian Nation, and a band of the Catawba. But loss of language also meant a loss of much of their history and culture. They assimilated.
They didn't descend from a band of escaped slaves or a band of “Portuguese Adventurers”. The principle factor that kept them travelling together wasn't their Caucasian or Negro heritage, but rather their American Indian heritage.
Some information about the Saponi, and other Northern Bands of the Catawba
The Saponi are first found near present day Lynchville, Roanoke, and Charlottesville, Virginia. The bands that united with the Saponi eventually included the following; The Saponi proper, Tutelo, Occaneechi, Stukenoke/Enoke/Eno, Monacan, Mahook, Keyauwee, Miepontski, Stegaraki/Stegarski. (153)
Notice some of the earlier English maps. The Monacan and Mahook are in the far north. To their south are “Sapon” and “Nahyssan” If you get rid of the prefix “Nah” and the ending “n” you have “Yssa”, very similar to “Yesaw”, which was what these people called themselves, and is very similar to Esaw/Yssaw/Isaw; what the southern branch of the Eastern Siouan people's called themselves. 
In 1677, the treaty of the Middle Plantation was written up, and by 1680 it was signed. Mastegonoe was tribal chief and Tachapoake was headman. This treaty made the Saponi one of the “Tributary Indians” mentioned in that treaty.
Haithcock states that in 1713 Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood invited these Saponi, Tutelo, Occoneechi, along with the Eno/Stuckenock, Meiponponstky, Monocan and Stegarsky Indians to go to Fort Christanna, and join the Saponi there (154). These Indians were invited to live at Fort Christanna in Southeastern Virginia. All of these people were Northern and Eastern bands of the Catawba Nation. Some people say the Eastern Siouan peoples had lived in the Carolina's and portions of Virginia since the distant past. Others say they arrived in their present location about the year 1200. No one knows for sure. Many people forget that each tribe lived in a small region, yet also controlled vast regions which they considered their 'hunting grounds'. Many Indian wars were fought over just who controlled those hunting grounds. Whoever controlled the hunting grounds controlled the supply of fish, deer, turkey, bison, pecans and other nuts, roots, tuckaho, and berries, as well as other wild game.
Governor Spotswood Creates Fort Christanna for the Saponi 
Map 11 shows most of Eastern North Carolina, previously controlled by the Tuscarora, has been cleared of Indians. Many Catawban bands are also gone. They either fled south to the Catawba are in the location on the map as “Saponi Peoples” (map 11, page 60) just to the west of the Meherrins in Southeastern Virginia. This was the location of Fort Christanna, founded by Virginia Governor Spotswood as a refuge for the last remnants of the Saponi and the bands that were associated with them. It wasn't until the strength of the Tuscarora had been shattered that most of North Carolina became widely settled by the British. Within a few more years, the power of the Catawban peoples, which consisted of most of the rest of the bands in South Carolina, would be shattered in the Yamassee War, opening the way to the settlement of much of the rest of the Carolinas and Georgia.
In 1714, Tanhee Soka and Hoontsky are mentioned as Chiefs of the Saponi at Fort Christanna. 
The last surviving man who spoke the Tutelo language, Horation Hale, was said to have stated the people called all the Eastern Siouan peoples the “Yesah'. James Mooney stated the Catawba name for their own people was the 'Esaw'. Esaw and Yesah are practically identical, and is proof these people were all ONE NATION, at one time. (155)
Per Haithcock, 300 Saponis were brought to Fort Christanna in March of 1715. In March 1716, it was reported some 60 Saponi warriors went on a war party against the Genito Indians. These are probably the Seneca. At this time they were ruled by twelve elders, and a single chief. It was said that they would not treat with the English but in their own language. Little did they know that the grandchildren of some of them would never learn their native language
In 1722, a treaty was signed between the Seneca, the colonies and Indians of Virginia, and both Carolinas. The following Saponi men were mentioned in a letter by Virginia Governor Gooch; Great George, John Sauano, Ben Harrison, Captain Tom, Pyah, Saponey Tom, Tony Mack, Harry Irvin, and Dick. After the killing of a Nottaway Indian, four Saponi were sent to jail. They were Chief Tom, Chief Mahenip, Harry Irvin and Pryor. I suspect Pyah and Pryor are the same person.
In 1732 some Saponi returned to Fort Christanna from the Catawba. They were told their land had been sold, but that they could settle along the Appomattox or Roanoke Rivers. (156)
Excerpts from the 1722 Treaty of Albany Relating to the Tributary Indians of Virginia
Virginia’s governor Spotswood spoke to the chiefs of the Five Nations on behalf of both his people and the Indians living in Virginia who had signed the 1677 treaty. He said:
Wherefore I am now come hither as Governor of Virginia . . . to endeavor at establishing an everlasting Peace between your People and ours comprehending not only the Christian Inhabitants of Virginia but also the several Nations of Indians belonging to and subject to that Government & according to the custom of this Place, I signify to you this Proposition by giving 2 Belts of Wampum, ye one for the Government of Virginia & the other for all its tributary Indians.
The response of the Iroquois:
We wish you had brought some of ye Sachims of your Indians that they might have spoke to us face to face & have put their hands into the Covenant Chain, but since you are come here we agree to accept what you offer in their behalf in the same manner as if they were present, and tho' there is a Nation amongst you, the Toderechrones (Christian Indians) against whom we have had so inveterate an enmity, that we thought it impossible it could be extinguished, but by a total Extirpation of them, yet since you desire it we are willing to receive them into this Peace & to forgive all that is past. We hope you will observe that your Indians which you have engaged for, perform what you have promised for them That they shall not pass to the Norward of the River Kahongaronton, nor to the Westward of the Great Ridge of Mountains & as you gave us two Belts one from the Christians & the other from the Indians of Virginia so we give you two Belts one for your Christians & the other for your Indians. (157)
And just who are the Toderechrones? They are the Indians at Fort Christanna, the Tutelo, the Saponi, and the Catawba. (158) “Toderechroones” is the Iroquoian word for the Catawba and associated bands. The Iroquois will agree to peace with the Catawban speaking peoples, but they wish these Catawbans had been present so they could deal with one another face to face. They also make it sound as though they are uneasy with this part of the peace treaty.
In February of 1739, there was mention of 'a Saponi Camp' on the south side of the Nuese River in Craven County, North Carolina.
Probably about 1740, the Tutelo went north, stopping at Shamokin, Pennsylvania. They joined their ancient enemy, the Six Nations. (159)
In 1742, eleven Saponi men are mentioned in the records of Orange County, Virginia. Their names are given as Maniassa, Captain Tom, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Little Zach, John Collins, Charles Griffen, Alexander Machartoon, John Bowling, Isaac, and Tom. It is interesting that 'Captain Tom' is mentioned both in 1722 at Fort Christanna and in 1742 in Orange County, Virginia. There other interesting names. These names are evidence that the Melungeons of Southwestern Virginia and Northeastern Tennessee early in the 19th century came from the Saponi of Fort Christanna. We have John Collins and Charles Griffen in 1742 in Orange County, Virginia. We also have the Collins family, claiming a mixed-Indian origin in NE Tn. We also have a teacher named Charles Griffen who taught the Indians at Fort Christanna, and an Indian by that same name is in Orange County, Virginia three decades later. The teacher at Fort Christanna was a White man. The other Charles Griffen was a Saponi Indian. He obviously had taken the name of the teacher, or perhaps he was his son by an Indian woman. (160)
In 1749 in Johnson County, North Carolina, on the south side of the Nuese River, at a place called Powell's Run, a 'Saponi Camp' is mentioned at that location. (161)
In 1753, the Tutelo joined the Six Nations, formerly their mortal enemies. (162)
In 1755, there is mention of 14 men and 14 women living in Person County, North Carolina, who are Saponi Indians. (163)
On April 19th, 1755, John Austin, a Saponi Indian, and Mary, a Susquehanna Indian, applied for a pass to the Catawba Nation. (164)
In 1757, a party of Indians from the North Carolina/Virginia border region, visited Williamsburg, Virginia, and met with Virginia's governor. Some were Saponi. If “some” were Saponi, what tribe were the rest? When the Catawba met to talk with the Cherokee during the French and Indian War, and they spoke of Saponi, Notewego and Tuscarora, and spoke of these tribes as sending forces to serve during that war, I suspect that trip to Williamsburg is was one of the last government to government trips, perhaps the last, between the Saponi Tribe and the Government of Virginia. (165)
There are dry spells where the Saponi aren't mentioned much. Haithcock mentions some who had earlier gone north to the Six Nations, in the 1750s. He does mention some Saponi mixed bloods who are mentioned on militia rosters in 1777 during the American Revolution. He lists their surnames as Riddle, Collins, Bunch, Bollins, Goins, Gibson, and Sizemore. (166)
Haithcock says a group of Saponi, Nansemond, and Tuscarora peoples organized together in the 1780s, and they formed what is today known as the Haliwa-Saponi, around a place known as “the Meadows”. They are called Haliwa because they live in both Halifax and Warren Counties, in North Carolina. (167)
In 1784, some old Saponi families are still living in Brunswick County, Virginia, near the location of the former Fort Christana. Their surnames are Robinson, Haithcock, Whitmore, Carr, Jeffreys, and Guy. Many of these families are also found in Hillsborough County, North Carolina. (168)
Haithcock mentions the following, “The Saponi/Christanna Indians by 1827 were being documented or recorded as Catawba by their friends, neighbors and officials in the Department of the interior. He provides 2 quotes. I.] “If they descended from Indians at all, they were likely Catawba and lived in Eastern North Carolina.” and ii.] “It is a region much more likely to have been occupied by Indians from Virginia or by the Catawba Indians who ranged from South Carolina up through North Carolina into Virginia.” He mentions the surnames of these families; Haithcock, Dempsey, Jefferies, Guy, Johnson, Collins, Mack, Richardson, Lynch, Silvers, Mills, Riddle, Austin, Hedgepath, Copeland, Stewart, Harris, Nichols, Shepherd, Gibson, Coleman, Martin, Branham, Johns, Taylor, Ellis, Anderson, Tom, Ervin, Bowling, Valentine, Goens, Sizemore, Bunch, Coker, Rickman, Whitmore, Mullins, Perkins, Harrison, Holley, Pettiford. Haithcock then implies these families were recognized by the state of North Carolina as the Haliwa Saponi Indians in the latter third of the twentieth century (169). This is EXACTLY what they say about the Melungeon families. They say “IF” they are Indians. 
There were no or few full bloods by this time. Haithcock mentions some 79 Saponi names. Some are full names, some are just given, and some are just surnames. Here is that list: Chief Mastegonoe, Chief Manehip, Chief Chawka, Chief Tanhee, Seko, Chief Tom, Chief John Harris, Captain Harrry, Captain Tom (Chief Tom and Captain Tom are perhaps the same person), Ned Bearskin, Ben Bear Den, Pyah, Pryor (probably the same), Manniassa, Dick, Harry (perhaps the same as Captain Harry), Isaac, Tom (perhaps the same as captain or Chief Tom), Lewis Anderson, Thomas Anderson, Isham Johnson, Will Matthews, Isaac White) perhaps the same as 'Isaac'), John Hart, Carter Hedge Beth, Sepunis, Cornelious Harris, John Collins, Lewis Collins, Mullins, Charles Griffin, Absalom Griffin, Hannah Griffin, John Sauano, Saponey Tom, Alexander Marchartoon, John Bowlinig, Ben Harrison, Tony Mack, Great George, Little Zach, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Harry Irwin, Tom Irwin, John Austin, Sr and Jr, Richard Austin, Tutterow, Dempsey, Miles Bunch, William Thims, Christopher Thims, John Head, Isaac Head, Heathcock, Jeffryes, Guy, Whitmore, Robinson, Carr, Ford, Long, Rickman, Coker, Jones, Richardson, Mills, Stewart, Going, Jackson, Thore, Williams, Branham, Johns, and Coleman. Now these are in addition to some of those already mentioned that are not mentioned here. (170)
Recapping, reports have the Monacan and Manahoac first being mentioned by John Smith to the west of the Jamestown Colony in 1607. In 1670 John Lederer has the Saponi and their allies along the eastern slope of the Appalachians in Virginia and North Carolina, indicating a movement southward. Lawson finds them near the present site of Salisbury, North Carolina. They flee again to live not far from the Tuscarora even before the Tuscarora War of 1711, only to flee again, to Fort Christanna by invitation of the Governor of Virginia, Alexander Spotswood, about 1714. Some flee with the Tuscarora up to Six Nations, but most remain in Virginia and the Carolinas where over time, they become a mixed-race minority in their own homelands. They were constantly being attacked prompting a treaty in 1722 with the Six Nations. Heathcock suggests a remnant fled north about 1750 to live with the Six Nations.
Becoming the Melungeons
Who are we? I have grown weary and frustrated. So many people say; "If you are Melungeon, you are Turkish . . . or Portuguese, or you descend from a band of escaped East African Slaves . . . or maybe Welshmen, or Atlantian, or Phoenician, or the ten lost Israeli Tribes -- you are Jewish . . ." They want to say ANYTHING but the truth -- ANYTHING but American Indian! 
Trouble with Neighbors, 1742
Haithcock and Carlson both spoke about the same thing. Both showed how the Saponi became the Melungeons, and the children of the Melungeons became the Carmel Indians of Ohio. Both have done excellent research. Here are a few things Dr. Carlson has shared. I thank him for allowing me to share these things. 
Excerpts from “Who’s Your People”
Dr. Richard Allen Carlson wrote a PhD dissertation about Indian families that migrated from Fort Christanna to Western Virginia and Northeastern Tennessee, later migrating through Eastern Kentucky and Ohio. Some people were rejected from the Cherokee rolls NOT because they were not Indian, but rather they couId not prove they were Cherokee. That's a big distinction. I sincerely would like to thank both Richard Haithcock and Dr. Richard Carlson for helping me learn about some of my ancestors. I hope to quote bits and pieces of their work. Carlson ties the Melungeons to the Saponi Indians. He never mentions they were part “Portuguese”. (171) Per Occam’s Razon, there is no need to introduce them.
On page 6 Carlson says; “Today amongst the Salyersville Indians persists a small but distinct population of people living around the old Michigan and Ohio muck fields, parts of Oklahoma and the Kentucky Mountains. Their families came from Appalachia to the ‘muck’, a folk term referring to the vast peat bogs that once dotted the Midwest in the early to mid 1900s in order to find seasonal work in the onion fields that thrive there. For nearly two centuries prior to that time the people’s ancestors had maintained their Indian identity while living in a distinct Indian community deep in the heart of Kentucky’s Appalachia . . . During that time, a few expatriate Cherokee families attached themselves to the families of a band of Christian Saponi . . . By the early 1800s, these citizen Indian families left their homes off the New River in the Mountains of the Virginia-North Carolina border region and ultimately formed the Greasy Rock, Stone Mountain, and Salyersville Indian Communities.” Carlson speaks of “refugee Indian families” (p 7-8). He speaks of three Indian populations, I.] Greasy Rock, ii.] Stone Mountain, and iii.] Salyersville, then says “Just prior to the period when the prominent anthropologists, like James Mooney and Frank Speck, were speculating on the identity and fate of ‘Eastern Indian Survivors’, other outside observers were characterizing these three interrelated Indian populations as “Melungeon” and this trend continues to this day. No confirmed etymology of this regionally specific label has been developed, but most contend the word stems from the French mélange, meaning “mixed” . . . (172)
From Pages 21-22; Most popular and professional writers still accept the premise, generated in the 1800s, that Melungeon History and heritage – biological and social – is forever lost to contemporary researchers. Such outsiders have thus downplayed the people’s own assertions of being Indians in favor of emphasizing the possibilities of White, Black, Portuguese, Phoenician, Jewish, Moorish, Turkish, and/or Lost Colony ancestry among them (even though all mention that these potential old-world ancestors must have taken up with the Indians to bring forth the present population) . . . A poignant example is apparent in a 1947 Saturday Evening Post article focusing on the Greasy Rock population. Showing a photo of elder Asa Gibson, the author wrote “were his ancestors Welsh warriors, Phoenicians, or Survivors of Roanoke? . . . [Asa] says he’s 75 years old and an Indian (173).”
Saponi Indians at Fort Christanna in 1716
Carlson mentions in 1716, a trip made to Fort Christanna, a place where the Saponi were settled by Gov. Spotswood. The governor visited the fort with a clergyman named Rev. John Fontaine. Fontaine mentioned the fort was located on the Meherren River, and about 200 Sapony Indians resided near the fort. Fontaine says he was surprised that some of them could speak good English.
Carlson then says (p 64); Fontaine spent a considerable amount of time conversing with the instructor of the Saponi Indian school, Rev. Charles Griffin. Frustrated at the repeated denials from the Virginia Council to fund a missionary schoolteacher for the Saponi, Spotswood still personally employed the English Clergyman. Fountaine found Griffin enthusiastically carrying out his mission “to teach the Indian children and bring them to Christianity”. Besides running the Fort’s church, Reverend Griffin’s work among the Saponi involved teaching their children to read the Bible and repeat “common prayers”. He was also teaching broader skills in speaking, reading, and writing English. Fontaine noted he “hath had good success amongst them.” One evening Fontaine attended a common prayer reading and noted that the eight Indian boys participating “answered very well to their prayers and understand what is read.” (174) . . . In 1716 Spotswood was reporting to the Bishop of London on the continued success of the school in operation for the Saponi, but desperately requested more funding. And the governor frequently made trips to the Saponi Reservation and the law officially “directing the Indian Company to take over the fort later in December” was passed. (175) Carlson speaks of several attacks from the Five Nations Indians and others, upon the Saponi and mentions the killing of some Catawba’s, whom it says are allies of the Saponi. 
Whitmannetaughehee (176)
After the end of the Yamassee War the Catawba agreed to send 11 young men of the royal line to a school at Ft. Christanna. Whitman-ne-tau-ghe-hee was chief at this time. Eleven boys were delivered to Fort Christanna in April 1717. Hmmm . . . as I write, it is April 2017 – perhaps 300 years to the day, later. When I first saw his name Whitman-ne-tau-ghe-hee – I thought the “Whitman” part of his name was of English origin. But Brown provides alternate spellings – Wick-mau-na-tan-chee, Will-man-nan-tamgh-kee, and Wich-me-tan-che. He delivered 11 Catawba children of her chiefs as hostages to the Virginia governor after the end of the Yamassee War, dated April 15, 1717. I am writing this on the 14th, so tomorrow it will have been EXACTLY 300 years since that event. Brown says in his cabin were over 200 scalps. He became known as a legendary warrior. It is said he killed seven Seneca but eventually was captured by them who took him to New York to be tortured. However, he escaped, and returned home. He was also called Austuga or Sapona, and he ruled the Catawba about 1720. There is an implication here that he might have been Saponi himself.
This story is also told in the “Cherokee Phoenix”.
For a Warrior or a chief, their exploits are to be made known. For an enemy to tell the tale, it is more honor still. Here is what the Cherokee said of this man in “The Cherokee Phoenix” in 1829;  over a hundred years after his deeds were performed. I am thankful to the Cherokee for preserving this story.
INDIAN PROWESS
Of the active as well as the passive fortitude of the Indian character, the following is an instance related by Adair in his travels.
A party of the Seneca Indians came to war against the Ka-tah-be, or Catawba, bitter enemies to each other. In the woods the former discovered a sprightly warrior belonging to the latter, hunting in their usual light dress; on his perceiving them, he sprang off for a hollow rock four or five miles distant, as they intercepted him from running homeward. He was so extremely swift and skillful with the gun, as to kill seven of them in the running fight before they were able to surround and take him. They carried him to their country in sad triumph; but though he had filled them with uncommon grief and shame for the loss of so many of their kindred, yet the love of martial virtue induced them to treat him, during their long journey with a great deal more civility than if he had acted the part of a coward. The women and children when they met him at their several towns, beat and whipped him in as severe manner as the occasion required, according to their law of justice, and at last he was formally condemned to die by the fiery torture. It might reasonably be imagined that what he had for some time gone through by being fed with a scanty hand, a tedious march, lying on the bare ground at night, exposed to the changes of the weather, with his arms and legs extended in a pair of rough stocks, and suffering such punishments on entering their hostile towns, as a prelude to those sharp torments for which he was destined, would so have impaired his health, and effected his imagination as to have sent him to his long sleep, out of the way of more sufferings. Probably this would have been the case with the major part of white people under similar circumstances; but I never knew this with any of the Indians; and this cool headed, brave warrior did not deviate from their rough lessons of martial virtue, but acted his part so well as to surprise and sorely vex his numerous enemies; for when they were taking him unpinioned, in their wild parage, to the place of torture, which lay near to a river, he suddenly dashed down those who stood in his way, sprung off and plunged into the water, swimming underneath like and otter, only rising to take breath, till he reached the opposite shore. He now ascended the steep bank; but though he had good reason to be in a hurry, as many of the enemy were in the water, and other running, very like blood hounds, in pursuit of him, and the bullets flying around him from the time he took the river, yet his heart did not allow him to leave them abruptly without taking leave in a formal manner, in return for the extraordinary favors they had done and intended to do him. After his slapping a part of his body in defiance to them, he put up the shrill war-whoop as his last salute, till some more convenient opportunity offered, & darted in the manner of a beast broke loose from its torturing enemies. He continued his speed so as to run by about midnight of the same day as far as his pursuers were two days in reaching. There he rested, till he happily discovered five of those Indians who pursued him. He lay hid a little way off their camp till they were sound asleep. Every circumstance of his situation occurred to him and inspired him with heroism. He was naked, torn and hungry, and his enraged enemies were come up with him-but there was everything to relieve his wants, and a fair opportunity to save his life, and get great honor and sweet revenge by cutting them off. Resolution, a convenient spot, and sudden surprise, would affect the main object of his wishes, and hopes. He accordingly creeped [sic], and took one of their tomahawks, and killed them all on the spot, clothed himself, took a choice gun, and as much ammunition and provisions as he could well carry in a running march. He set of afresh with a light heart, & did not sleep for several processive nights, only when he reclined as usual, a little before day, with his back to a tree. As it were by instinct when he found he was free from the pursuing enemy, he made directly to the very place where he had killed seven of his enemies, and was taken for the fiery torture. He digged[sic] them up, burnt their bodies to ashes and went home in safety with singular triumph. Other pursuing enemies came on the evening of the second day, to the camp of their dead people, when the sight gave them a greater shock than they had ever known before.- In their chilled war Council they concluded, that as he had done such surprising things in his defense before he was captivated, and since in his naked condition, and now was well armed, if they continued the pursuit, he would spoil them all, for he surely was an enemy wizard; and therefore they returned home.
QUIXOTE
Cherokee Nation, 11th March 1829
Even More Troubles with Neighboring Tribes
Pages 70 to 95 of Carlson’s Dissertation discuss from about 1718-1728. The author talks about the Indians at Fort Christanna, saying that although they went under the name of Saponi, they were a Occoneechi, Stengenocks, Meipotskis, Outaponies, and Tutelo. (177)
There is a story of an Indian named “Sawney” who had recently returned to Virginia from Canada. He had been captured by the “French Indians”. He escaped about 1724 and returned to Virginia. Once in Virginia, he was arrested and was accused of threatening the inhabitants with incursions from his former allies, the “French Indians” from Canada. He denied bringing messages to the Saponis. (178)
The Northern Indians did continue their attacks in Virginia. Carlson says; “More Virginia settlers were killed by Iroquois in the winter of 1725-1726 . . . the sachems of the Five Nations replied . . . “it was some of their warriors operating without authority in conjunction with some French Indians and Tuscaroras who committed the killings.” (179)  The sachems of the Iroquois defended their warriors, saying the killing of the Virginians was a mistake, and that they were really after “enemy Indians”. It was recorded that about this time, seven Saponi were killed or captured by some Tuscarora warriors. Other accounts have said seven Catawba warriors were killed. This makes sense when we know the Saponi are Catawba.
In 1727 the Saponi came to the Virginia Assembly in Williamsburg and asked for satisfaction. The Saponi said in the Virginians took no action on the Tuscarora, they would take the matter into their own hands. Virginia did nothing, so the Saponi went to the Catawba and asked them for help. The Catawba did take action. This tells us a lot. The Saponi were weak. The Catawba felt as though they were strong. The Catawba felt an obligation to defend the Saponi. And remember, in all of this, we are not just talking about the Saponi alone, but ALL the northern bands, and others who had gone to Fort Christanna. They all became known collectively as the Saponi.
There was an attack on the Meherrin Indians, who complained to the same Virginia Assembly the Saponis had complained to the previous year. They blamed the Occoneechi’s and Saponis. And the Nottaways complained the Meherrins had attacked them. The Saponis with the Catawba attacked the Tuscarora, of King Blount’s Town. North Carolina officials meanwhile, blamed the Catawba as the primary instigator of these feuds, also holding the Saponi and Occoneechi responsible. These tribes were all attacking each other, as they had always done. But their numbers had dwindled to a pitiful few.
Governor Spotswood had retired and was replaced by Governor Gooch, and he was not as friendly towards the Saponi as his predecessor. The Virginians had done nothing to help the Saponi when they asked for help after seven of their men were killed, while the Catawba did come to their aid. To add to this mistrust, three Saponi men were accused of killing two Nottaway’s. Three Saponi chiefs were held in jail until those guilty of the killings were brought forward. The killing of the son of the Tutelo chief also added fuel to the fire. A report came in (page 76) that John Sauna (Sawnie) and a fellow named Ben Harrison (apparently an Indian named after the White trader), went south to bring up one hundred Catawba warriors to protest the incarceration of the three Saponi men . . . the Saponi said that if Captain Tom was hung, they would take their wives and children over the Roanoke, and then return to drive the Whites and Negroes to the James River, and go to war. (180)
The Tutelo king, grieving over the death of his son, threatened the life of the governor, saying then he’d go off to some foreign Indians. The old Tutelo king was ordered to be arrested, but Carlson says he found no evidence that this ever happened. These events are probably the actions taken that inspired the Tutelo to retire north with their enemies, the Six Nations. According to Carlson, Byrd stated (p 93) that the executions by the colonists of three Saponi caused the Saponi to remove to the Catawba’s. This too seems to have been the catalyst that led to the Tutelo's decision to leave for the Six Nations forever.
This takes us to the end of 1728, and the end of Carlson’s first chapter. From 1714 to 1728 the Saponis, Tutelos, Occoneechis, and others came together. War with the Iroquois, and pressure from the colonists forced this option upon them. However, pressures from the colonists to make them conform to colonial laws also alienated them. They did obtain satisfaction from the Catawba, their allies.
According to Carlson, Byrd stated (p 93) that the executions by the colonists of three Saponi caused the Saponi to remove to the Catawba’s.
As a result of the Treaty of Middle Plantation of 1677, the Saponi were one of several tributary tribes of Virginia. On page 59, Carlson talks of Virginia Governor Spotswood long desiring to educate the Indians. One clause of that treaty, the 6th, said – [VI.] That no Indian king or queen shall be imprisoned without a special warrant from his majesty’s governor and two of the Council. That no other Indian shall be imprisoned without a warrant from a Justice of the Peace and without sufficient cause of commitment. To the Saponi it might have seemed that the English had violated tis provision of the treaty in their treatment of the Tutelo king. 
On page 52, Carlson speaks of the Saponi, mentioning how in 1732, William Byrd III spoke of the Indians at Fort Christanna, saying they were really a consolidation of several tribes; and “each of these was formerly a distinct nation, or rather several clans or canton’s of the same nation, speaking the same language, and using the same customs.”
There are some interesting comments about the Indians way of life. First is the mention of corn. Carlson is paraphrasing Byrd. When talking of the colonists he calls “borderers, meaning the people that lived on the Virginia/North Carolina border (P. 82), Byrd also decries the “borderers” means of economy and subsistence; especially in North Carolina where he contemptuously stated they raised Indian corn instead of tobacco and fruit orchards which he blamed on laziness. Indian corn, he noted; “. . . is of so great increase that a little pains will subsist a very large family with bread . . .” (181)
Continuing, Carlson writes (P. 85), still quoting Byrd, “. . .one way of converting these poor infidels, and reclaiming them from barbarity and that is, charitably intermarry with them according with the modern policy of the most Christian King in Canada and Louisiana.” He continues saying that had the English done as the French, the country would be swarming with more people than it has insects, and . . . even their copper coloured complexion would admit of bleaching, if not in the first, at the farthest in the second generation . . . it is strange, therefore, that any good Christian should have refused a wholesome, straight bed-fellow, when he might have so fair a portion with her, as the merit of saving her soul. (182) This type of talk would lead to the term Melungeon later on, which in French, means “we mix”.
Byrd had a Saponi guide, Ned Bearskin. It was said this was his hunting name. Ned it was said, was a great hunter and kept them fed. It was said that Ned spoke English very well.
The Saponi Boomerang the Catawba, 1729-1738
I'm using “boomerang” as a verb meaning the Saponi went to live with the Catawba, then returned back near Fort Christanna. 
(P. 91) Speaking of March 1729, Carlson writes; “. . .most of the Saponi were still at Christanna in June, although some families had already left to join the Catawba and/or other Tutelo now living far from the Christanna reservation.” One of the main reasons that the Saponi left Christanna was the hanging of a Saponi elder. A drunken Saponi leader had earlier killed an Englishman. (P. 93). Carlson states “. . . the Sapony’s took this so much to heart, that soon after quitted their settlement and moved in a body to the Cataubas.” (183)
“By late in the summer of 1729, the Saponi and confederated bands and families that remained with them finally departed the Christanna Reservation. This abandonment of the Reservation would begin a diaspora of the people that once resided there. Comments later made by John Mitchell in 1755 stated that, in 1729, both the Saponi and the Tutelo “had removed further South upon the heads of the Pee Dee”at the Northern end of what was known as Catawba Territory. Byrd also noted that the Saponi removed to Catawba Territory that year. He explained that this people is now made up of the remnant of several other nations, of which the most considerable are the Saponey’s, Occoneechi’s, and the Steukenhocks (Eno), who not finding themselves separately numerous enough for their defense, have agreed to unite into one body, and all of them now go under the name of the Sappony. . . A French map published late in 1729 reveals that one faction labeled labeled the “Sapon Nahisan” had removed far west from the extent of settlement far up on the headwaters of the Roanoke River. (184)
Speaking of the Tutelo, (P. 94) Carlson says they wondered up and down the Appalachians until 1740 when they joined their old enemies, the Iroquois. In 1730 (P. 95) the Catawba and Saponi living with them, asked to make a treaty with Virginia. Nothing came of it. In 1732, Byrd, speaking of the Catawba, said “their population of more than 400 fighting men was spread through six towns on the Santee River in Carolina along a 20-mile stretch.” (185)
Since the Saponi had abandoned their homes at Fort Christanna, the state of Virginia assumed they have abandoned it. This is possibly why the Catawba and Saponi with them asked for a new treaty with Virginia. The Virginian’s apparently weren’t interested. By the winder of 1730, the Virginia Council decided to sell off the reservation. Carlson finds only one reference to the Saponi in the Carolinas on Catawba lands. He speaks of the Tuscarora harassing a small band of Settlement Indians.
By 1732 (P. 96) the Saponi living with the Catawba decided to leave them. The Saponi Indians asked the state of Virginia if they could return, and also asked if the Sara (Saura/Cheraw) (186) could come with them. The Virginians agreed to this, and promised them an equal amount of land that they had lost at Christanna, so long as it was not settled, either on the Roanoke or Appomattox Rivers. They built a fort near their old haunts, near Fort Christanna. Carlson goes on to say there was immediately tension as before, between the Saponi and the Nottaway. The Tuscarora, the Nottaway, and the Five Nations (Iroquois) continually attacked the Saponi. Eventually the Virginians, sided with the Saponi, and eventually local militias in Virginia helped subside the tensions between rival groups. Even King Blunt of the Tuscarora, attempting to mediate an end to the war, asked the Saponi to join him. There is no record of a response from the Saponi. It appears the Saponi abandoned their fort in Brunswick County, and are not found again in historic documents (by Carlson) until 1735. Two bands of the Saponi and Tutelo are found in the Mountains of North Carolina. Carlson says (Pp. 99-100); “One era map also shows that a band of the Occoneechi had split off from the main body of the Saponi, and by 1733 were living off the trading path where it crossed the Eno or the Flatt River in North Carolina. Bricknells 1737 publication reported that in the year 1735 and/or 36, the band of Saponi closely associated with the Catawba was located on the Clarendon River (in the west branch of the Cape Fear River) in North Carolina. This Sapona Village was some five to six days ‘over the mountains’ far removed from colonial settlements. Bricknell also mentions that the ‘Totera’ then had a village somewhere nearby this Saponi town, although deeper into the mountains. Of the people of these two villages, Bricknell wrote that they usually do not “make visits amongst us except to be their traders who bring us their skins and furs.”
Carlson continues on the documentary trail of the Saponi like a bloodhound on the trail of a raccoon. The next reference Carlson discovers is in 1737, where there is a reference to ‘Saponi cabins” that appear to still be inhabited, in Amelia County, Virginia. This Saponi community was located on a branch of Winningham Creek, a tributary of the Appomattox River. This was near a former trading post run by Colonel John Bolling. Carlson states that although there is no longer a trading post in the area, the Bolling family was still in the area. He states that both Bolling and the Saponi were friends of Colonel Mumford. Recall that earlier the Saponi were offered lands near this area, but there is no record, according to Carlson, of them receiving the lands.
The lands the Virginians had given the Saponi, Fort Chritanna, were taken away from them. They had just left the Catawba only to realize they would not be allowed back at Fort Christanna, as their land had been given to others in their absence. They were seeking a new place to call home. Some went to Louisa County, Virginia. Others went live with the Catawba, and a third group went to Northern North Carolina, living near where the state recognized Saponi are located today. Our Melungeon Band and it appears the Monacans (they are state recognized) as well went up to Louisa County, Virginia. Louisa County is about 40 or so miles North of where the “Saponi Cabins” were found. It is also on the Anna River, where the Saponi were told they could live, or move by the Virginia authorities once they discovered they’d lost Fort Christanna. Just to the North of Louisa County is Orange County, where the home of Governor Spotswood was located. That is where the Saponi were chased off the land for stealing hogs and scaring some of the farmers. Oops, I’m getting ahead of myself.
I have recently discovered someone who provided a reason for the Saponi losing their status as “Tributary” Indians. It was found here – 
December 10, 2016 · 
The Loss of the Saponi Nation Reservation
December 10, 1730 ... on this date, 286 years ago, the Virginia House of Burgesses abrogated the Treaty of Peace with the Saponi Nation of Indians and dissolved the Fort Christanna reservation. In part, this may have been done in response to a request for compensation from colonial rangers who had been assigned to “protect” the Saponi reservation. 
The House of Burgesses justified this action by using a clause found in the treaty which stated that if the population of the reservation ever fell below a certain number, the 1713 treaty of peace with Virginia could be abrogated.
At the time of the abrogation of the treaty, the fort’s colonial rangers had failed to protect the Saponi during an escalating war of vengeance with the Nottoway and their allies the Six Nations. This war forced the Saponi to flee the reservation, going south to seek protection from their relatives in the Catawba Nation. The House of Burgesses claimed that the Saponi peoples had become part of the Catawba Nation and granted several petitioners the reservation land.
The Saponi Nation Reservation was the size of an English township or 6 miles square (equivalent to 36 square miles) and was located in Brunswick County, Virginia near the town of Lawrenceville. I was able to contact Lawrence, the man who created the above post, and ask him where I could find the material he cited. Here is his response:
There is an earlier reference to Virginian and colonial rangers being compensated with land for helping move certain member tribes of the Saponi Nation to Fort Christanna. The reservation was lost to wealthy Virginians. You can find it in the records of the Virginia House of Burgesses. I do not have the exact situation with me at this time. I hope this helps. (187)
It is here (p. 101) that Carlson starts referring to the “Christian Band” of the Saponi. Carlson’s next reference – “By 1738, a Christian Band of the Saponi had established a new village a little further north on the personal lands of the now ex-Governor of Virginia, Alexander Spotswood, who had retired upon his plantation in neighboring Spotsylvania County. Apparently, the band had gained permission from him to reside on Fox’s Neck of the Rapidan River in Orange County, not far from old Fort Germanna. This Christian Band of the Saponi would be able to maintain residence here for some time in the company of their old benefactor. To put this all in proper perspective, Governor Spotswood built his plantation next to the old Germanna Settlement. The old Germanna Settlement was built on the location not far from where an old Monacan village had stood only forty years previously. Since the Indians had left, settlers had moved in. Both the Monacan and Saponi had signed the Treaty of 1677. It appeared that Governor Spotswood was aware of the 1677 treaty with the Saponi, but perhaps Gov. Gooch was not. The Indians had become again what they once were, before moving to Fort Christanna. However, things would never be the same. Some, perhaps all of them spoke English now. Those to become “Melungeons” were first called “Christian Indians” and “Citizen Indians”. At the same time the English Governors of the 1730s started ignoring their own treaty of 1677, it was so long ago, a half a century.
“From 1738 on, the Orange County Court records mention various petitions from Alexander Marchatoon, John Sauna, John Collins, John Bowling, and others, all of whom are described there specifically as “Christian Saponey Indians.” (188)
Carlson notes one change. Whereas the Saponi had been considered “Tributary Indians” before they left Fort Christanna, this distinction no longer applied afterwards. He says pp. 101-102, with respect to these Christian Saponi; “. . . these Saponi were no longer treated as members of a Tributary Nation but more fully known as “Citizen Indians” by the Virginians. There were to be consequences to this. After the death of their old advocate, ex-Governor Alexander Spotswood in 1740, complaints against Christian Saponi began being forwarded to county authorities by local settlers.
“In 1740 a local farmer named William Bohannon complained that ’26 of the Indians who inhabit Fox’s Neck were firing the woods’. He also accused them of killing some of his free ranging pigs.” He said he had “lost more pigs than usual since the coming of the Indians.” He says the Indians were being called into court, and were being accused of “doing mischief”. The following year Bohannon came again to Orange County officials complaining that he thought the Indians had shot at him.
Then Carlson adds, “The bands troubles would climax in the winter of 1743 when a number of Saponi men had their guns seized and found themselves arrested. The Saponi men named John Collins, Alex Machartion, John Bowling, Craft Tom, Blind Tom, Foolish Jack, Charles Griffen, Little Jack, Isaac and Harvey were taken before the Orange County court for trial ‘by precept under the hands and seals of William Russell and Ed Spencer, gentleman’, under the charges of stealing hogs, burning the woods, and terrifying one Lawrence Strothers. Strothers had even claimed that he was shot at and chased by the Saponi in the backwoods. The Saponi men were ordered held in jail until bonded, after which they were ordered to leave the county. Interestingly, several White men sympathetic to the Saponi predicament, ‘went security on their bail bonds,’ after which they were released and openly declared their intentions to depart the county within a week, at which time their guns would be returned.” (189)
The Saponi and their Relations; Crisis to Crisis, and Back Again
            p 41. Following the identity of the Saponi from documents recorded before this 1743 incident, it becomes clear that this band was previously a part of the composite Indian community that, some twenty-five years earlier, had flourished at Fort Christanna Reservation down on the Meherrin River . . . The Christian Band of the Saponi were also living legacy of the Saponi signers of the infamous Treaty of Middle Plantation of 1677.
p 52. Recall in 1732 William Byrd III recalled the configuration of these Siouan tribes consolidating at the Fort Christanna Reservation. He described how “. . . each of these was formerly a distinct nation, or rather several clans or canton’s of the same nation, speaking the same language, and using the same customs.”
Starting p. 59, Carlson says; Governor Spotswood had long proposed to educate Indians in their own towns . . . The governor argued elsewhere that, by educating the Indians in their own villages, Virginia could go far to “banage [sic] savage customs in a generation or two” among the tribes where they could be made more “. . . useful as neighbors” . . . As Spotswood perceived it, the Colony’s military and economic interests directly related to his long-standing conviction of wanting to “Christianize and civilize the Tributarys.” The Indians living in the colony of Virginia were called in those days “tributary” Indians.
Carlson continues, “Late in the summer of 1743, Governor Gooch of Virginia reported that the Saponies and other petty nations associated with them had left Virginia and were again residing in the Carolinas with the Catawba.” Carlson reports that while some Saponi would forever remain with the Catawba, this Christian Band of Saponi would separate from them. He speaks of three Saponi bands that he describes as the Tutelo-Saponi, the Catawba Saponi, and this Christian Band of the Saponi. He will eventually link this Christian band with those people later termed “Melungeons”.
The “Christian Band” of the Saponi, according to Carlson, had its start at Fort Christanna. Most of the Saponi were not responsive to the efforts on the behalf of Governor Spotswood’s school for the Saponi. A part of that education was an attempt to turn the heathen into Christians. But it appears that the school master, Charles Griffin, had an effect on a few of the Indians, and they must have converted to Christianity. 
Carlson speaks of the two other bands, one that went to live with the Catawba, and a second, the Tutelo, who went north to live with Six Nations. This third band went to live in the vicinity of ex-Governor Spotswood, at a place called Fox Neck. Carlson says “The Orange County records also confirm that no interpreter was ever required in dealing with the Christian band when they found themselves in court. It also shows that the old policy observed by Reverend Fontaine at Fort Christanna less than three decades earlier, was no longer in force amongst the Christian Saponi.” Fontaine had maintained that the Saponi required interpreters, and their elders always spoke in their own language even if they could speak English, in their dealings with colonial officials. Carlson continues, “The Christian Band of the Saponi had established an identity distinct and separate from the Catawba Saponi or the Tutelo-Saponi refugees to the Iroquois country from at least 1738 onward.” Carlson states that from the late 1730s until the Revolutionary War, that only those families associated with the Orange County Saponi are referred to in the records as “Christian Saponi”.
Orange County records from 1738-1743 refer to several Saponi living in the area. They include Alex Machartion, John Collins, John Bowling, Charles Griffen, and other “Christian Indians.” The following names are also mentioned – Manicassa, Foolish Jack, Little Jack, Isaac, Harry, Captain Tom and Blind Tom. Charles Griffen appears to have taken his name from Rev. Griffin, a former school teacher at the Fort Christanna school. Captain Joseph Collins negotiated the release of Sauna from the “French Indians” in 1722. Carlson speculates p 107, “evidence available from written records made subsequent to 1743, it is quite possible to surmise that John Collins is the son of “Captain Tom”, for an elder named Tom Collins is shown living with John and the rest of the Christian Saponi in the years immediately following their expulsion from Orange County. If this is so, one might further speculate that Blind Tom is Tom’s father.” Carlson suspects the Bowling surname came amongst the Christian Band of the Saponi in the 1730s while living in Amelia County. The well-known Powhattan mixed-blood family had for generations operated a trading house at the Falls of the Appomattox.
Per Carlson, “Exactly when and how the treaty obligations stemming from the 1677 and subsequent agreements with the Saponi were abolished, ignored or forgotten by Virginia authorities is not known. After 1733 no mention of the colony recognizing any treaty obligations to the Saponi appears in Virginia records. Regardless, by at least 1738, the Christian Saponi were being treated as Individual Citizen Indians as opposed to the political entity of ‘Tributary Indians’.”
Carlson says . . . in 1743 the Christian Saponi went south to live near Catawba lands, however by in 1745 they were back in Virginia, in Louisa County, near to their former lands in Orange County (p 111), in the mountains south of Rapidan Station. The Christian Saponi would reside in the area for some time and would be noted as “Nassayn” (Saponi for ‘the People’) on 1749-1750 era maps. Names listed living in this area are Sam and William Collins, along men named George and Thomas Gibson [author’s note: my ancestor], Sam Bunch, Ben Branham, and a few others were charged with by Louisa County court of ‘concealing tithables’ . . . On page 112, “The likely source for the charge . . . was Virginia law that stipulated that, in addition to all adult males, all Indian, Negro and Mulatto women over 16 years of age were also tithable, unlike white women of the same age. . .The Christian Saponi may have felt they should be free from taxation as rightful heirs of the Tributary Nation. But as far as the Virginia government was concerned, the tributary status no longer applied. This being the case, they would now have to be subject to the Virginia Act of May 1723. The act stipulated that ‘all free Negroes, mulattos, Indians, (except tributary Indians to this government) male and female, above 16 years, and all wives of such Negroes, mulattos, or Indians (except Indians tributary to this government) shall be accounted tithable . . . Social and economic barriers based on race labels would become a greater concern for these Christian Indians now that they had lost their political status as tributary Indians.
Please recall the 1750 and 1756 maps from earlier. The 1750 map has “Nausie” and the 1756 map has a “Nassaw.” Are these the “Nassayn”? In fact the deerskin map from 1725 drawn by the Catawba themselves has “Nassaw”. If you drop the “N” sound you have “Assaw” which is very similar to 'Esaw” or “Yesaw”. These things all show a similar origin between the Saponi and the Catawba.
We have followed the documentation of the Saponi Indians from 1729-1743. The presence amongst them of a "Charley Griffen" ties them back to old Fort Christanna, and the teacher there, a Reverend Charles Griffin. Once they left Fort Christanna, they lived for a time with the Catawba, and for a time with former Governor Spotswood. They wondered in search of new homes, with tribal unity disappearing, as a few remote families are gradually being absorbed into the frontier lifestyles of their white neighbors. In 1743 families again started to return to the Catawba. They simply didn't know where to go or what to do. The next section covers the timeframe when these Christian Saponi Indians became known more commonly as "Melungeons."
Treaty of Lancaster 1744
I must also mention the Lancaster Treaty of 1744. It was signed between the Six Nations and the English settlers: http://jeffersonswest.unl.edu/archive/view_doc.php?id=jef.00083. A part of that treaty that mentions Virginia is below;
July 2, 1744
To all people to whom these presents shall come Conasatugo, Tachanoontia, Joneehat, Caxhayion, Torachdadon, Neerohanyah, and Roiirrawarkto, Sachims or Chiefs of ye Nation of the Onondagoes, Saquihsonyunt, Gashraddodon, Hurasaly-akon, Rowamhohiso, Ocoghquah, Seayenties, Sachims or Chiefs of ye nation of ye Cahugas, Cwadamy alies Shirketiney, Onishudagua, Onothkallydaroy, alias Watsatuha, Toshashwaroiororow, Anighosharvand Tiorkaasoy, Sachims or Chiefs of ye nation of the Senekers send greeting.
Whereas the Six United Nations of Indians laying claim to some lands in the colony of Virginia signified their willingness to enter into a treaty concerning the Same-- Whereupon Thomas Lee, Esq., a Member in Ordinary of his Majesty's honorable Council of State and one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Judicature in that Colony and William Beverly, Esq., Colonel and County Lieutenant of the County of Orange and one of the representatives of the people in the House of Burgesses of that Colony were deputed by the Governor of the said Colony as Commissioners to treat with the said Six Nations or their Deputies Sachims or Chiefs, as well of and concerning their said Claim, as to renew their Covenant Chain between the said Colony and the said Six Nations, and the said Commissioners having met at Lancaster in Lancaster County and province of Pennsylvania and as a foundation for a stricter Amity and peace at this juncture, agreed with the said Sachims or Chiefs of the said Six Nations for a Disclaimer and Renunciation of all their Claim or pretense of Right whatsoever of the said six nations and an acknowledgement of the Right of our Sovereign the King of Great Britain to all the Land in the said Colony of Virginia.
Now know ye that for and in consideration of the Sum of four hundred pounds Current money of Pennsylvania, paid and delivered to the above named Sachims or Chiefs partly in Goods & partly in Gold Money by the said Commissioners, they said Sachims or Chiefs on behalf of the said Six Nations Do hereby renounce and disclaim not only all the Right of the said Six Nations but also recognize and acknowledge the Right and Title of our Sovereign the King of Great Britain to all the Land within the said the said Colony as it is now or hereafter may be peopled and bounded by his said Majesty our Sovereign Lord the King his Heirs and on behalf of the people of the Six Nations aforesaid have hereunto set their hands & Seals this Second day of July in the 18th year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Second King of Great Britain and in the year of our Lord 1744.
Signed by all the people names Chiefs Signed Seald and Delivered in the presence of EDM'D JENNINGS. At a General Court held at the Capitol Oct. 25th, 1744, This Deed Poll was proved by ye Oaths of Edm'd Jennings, Esq., Phillip Ludwell, Esq. and William Black, three witnesses thereto and by the Court ordered to be recorded.
The important part, as far as the Catawba and Associated Bands are concerned, is that the Six Nations renounce their claims to the lands on which the Catawba and bands associated with them, live. However by this time the Catawba and Associated Bands had almost vanished from history. This treaty did, however, end Six Nation excursions southward to attack the Catawba.
References:
153. Tutelo, Saponi, Nahyssan, Monacan, aka Piedmont Catawba Tribe of the Ohio Valley, Virginia, Carolina, New York, Pennsylvania, and Six Nations/Ontario, Canada compiled by Ric hard Haithcock, Saponi. Publication date November 11, 2004.
154. Ditto
155. Ditto
156. Ditto
157. 1722 Treaty of Albany; http://treatiesportal.unl.edu/earlytreaties/treaty.00001.html ; Conference between Governor Spotswood and the Five Nations; [New-York Papers., Cc., 102–104.]; Propositions made to the Five Nations of Indians to wit the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondages Cayouges & Sinnekees, by His Excellcy Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of His Matys Dominion of Virginia in Albany ye 29 Aug 1722; PRESENT — His Excellcy Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of Virginia; Coll Nathaniel Harrison Esqre of His Majestys Council of Virginia
Coll William Robinson Esqre a Member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia; Interpreted by Lawrence Claese after it was translated into Dutch by Robt Livingston
158. Tutelo, Saponi, Nahyssan, Monacan, aka Piedmont Catawba Tribe of the Ohio Valley, Virginia, Carolina, New York, Pennsylvania, and Six Nations/Ontario, Canada compiled by Ric hard Haithcock, Saponi. Publication date November 11, 2004.
158. Ditto
159. Ditto 
160. Ditto
161. Ditto
162. Ditto
163. Ditto 
164. Ditto
165. Ditto
166. Ditto
167. Ditto
168. Ditto
169. Ditto
170. Ditto
172. Ditto
173. Ditto
174. Ditto
175. Ditto
176. http://www.wcu.edu/library/DigitalCollections/CherokeePhoenix/Vol2/no02/pg2col1.htm; Cherokee Phoenix and Indians' Advocate; Wednesday, March 25, 1829; Vol. II, no. 2; Page 2, col. 1a
177. 'Who's your people?': Cumulative identity among the Salyersville Indian population of Kentucky's Appalachia and the Midwest muck fields, 1677--2000. by Dr. Richard Allen Carlson Jr.; Michigan State University178. Ditto
179. Ditto
180. Ditto
181. Ditto
182. Ditto
183. Ditto
184. Ditto
185. Ditto
186. Ditto
187. Virginia House of Burgesses

189. Ditto






No comments:

Post a Comment