Saturday, January 28, 2017

Chapter IV, The French and Indian War


King Haigler
A new leader arose amongst the Catawba, a man who gave them hope. He would become known as “King Haiglar.” King Haigler (also known as Nopkehee) was born about 1700. King Whitmannetaugehehee was king during the time of the Yamassee War. As a result of the Catawban participation in the Yamassee War, the Catawba were to deliver young men to Fort Christanna as ransom, also to be educated. Dr. Blumer suspects Nopkehee might have been one of these eleven based upon his age. King Haigler is the most famous of the Catawba rulers. Aftre the Yamassee War all the Indian peoples of the Carolinas were left disheartened. Their numbers were greatly decreased. Bands were uniting with one another for strength. In stead of being scattered all over the Carolinas they were concentrated in a few locations, scattered across a large region.

Haigler knew there were some of his people living further down the Pedee River and wrote a letter to Gov. Glen of South Carolina. It went something like this;

There are a couple of interesting stories about the Pedee Indians. The first is about an escaped slave, and the second about an attempt by Haigler to get the Pedee Indians to move in with the Catawba. These stories are taken rfom “History of the Old Cheraws,” by Alexander Gregg.

P 13 — . . . That the Pedees [Indians] owned slaves will appear from the following notice, published in the Gazette of the day, Aug 30-Sep 6, 1748 — "Taken up by Michael Welch, overseer to the subscriber on an island called Uchee Island. A Negro fellow, who gives the following account of himself, viz., that he belonged formerly to Mr. Fuller, and he was by him sold to Billy, king of the Pedee Indians; that the Catawba Indians took him from King Billy, and carried him into their nation, and that in endeavoring to make his escape from the Catawba’s, he was lost in the woods, and had been

so a considerable time before he was taken. Any person having any right or property in the said fellow, may apply to the subscriber, now in Charleston." Apparently this African slave was bought by the Pedee, and in turn was sold to the Catawba. He escaped from them and apparently wondered around for a while, probably walking around in circles. He was discovered, and taken back to Charleston it seems, where an effort was made to discover his “owner.” It is difficult to follow stories like this one, as a modern man, it is difficult to understand how previous generations could have acted as they did.

still p 13 — The next short tale is aboutKing Haiglar writinga note to the Pedee Indians trying to get them to move in with the Catawba. Haigler had convinced many small bands of wasted tribes to join with him. What he asks of the pedees, he had probably done to many bands of Indians who were still alive. He wanted to rebuild his people. He probably invited many small bands to come and live within his nation. Gregg says of the Pedee:
“The Pedees and other smaller tribes who now lead a wondering life, were in constant danger of being enticed off by the more powerful and hostile nations of Indians, to join them in their predatory excursions. The following letters indicate the anxiety felt on the subject by the Catawba’s, as well as by the provisional government of this period, the first was addressed by the King of the Catawba’s to his excellency, James Glen, Esq : — “There are a great many Pedee Indians living in the settlements that we want to come and settle amongst us. We desire for you to send for them, and advise —

page 14 — “this, and give them this string of wampum in token that we want them to settle here, and will always live like brothers with them. The Northern Indians want them to settle with us; for they are now at peace, they may be hunting in the woods or straggling about, killed by some of them, except they join us, and make but one nation, which will be a great addition of strength to us."
his mark, the (x) King"
[21 Nov, 1752]

It was said over twenty dialects ewre living with the Catawba at this time. Haigler probably sent invitations to all of them, in the hopes of making his nation stronger. By all intents and purposes, he seems to have been a great and wise chief. Little by little, his nation was gaining its strength back.
Haigler was hoping to stage a comeback, a renewal. He did not want to be the Principle Chief of an extinct nation. Haigler is noted for helping to negotiate a treaty of peace with the Six Nations. These are the Iroquois of New York and neighboring Canada. For mnay years, a war had been going on between the Iroquois in New York and the Catawba and related bands in the Carolinas and Virginia. [38] These wars were intensified after the defeat of the Tuscarora and their emigration to New York. In June 1751 King Haigler and 5 other Catawba elders and a translator left Charleston, South Carolina, aboard the HMS Scorpion, arriving in New York harbor on June 7th, 1751, at Fort George. They arrived at Albany, New York, the site of the conference, on June 30th. According to Blumer, the Mohawk forced the Catawba to dance with their feathers pointing down in humiliation. King Haigler and King Hendrick of the Mohawk smoked a peace pipe. When the Six Nations presented King Haigler with a wampum belt, the peace was final.

Per Blumer a delegation of Iroquois visited the Catawba the next year, 1752. Blumer then adds that During this period, the Cherokee invited the Catawba to incorporate with them and King Haigler refused.” He wanted to be the chief of a Nation, not the mayor of a city. So he worked hard to acomplish this.

He spoke against the evils of alcohol, and against dual justice, that is, one set of laws for the White man and one for the Indians. He defended women as vital for the nation. In 1756, he signed a treaty with the Colony of Virginia. Blumer says He still maintained his residence at Pine Tree Hill, the ancient location of Cofitachique.” But the world of the Catawba was in decline, their numbers shrinking. He tried to get some of the former tributary tribes to move in with them, and some did. Others were, however, were slowly becoming assimilated into White culture. Speaking of White Culture, settlers weer encroaching onto his lands and he was powerless to stop them. A great tragedy occurred in 1759, when half of the Catawba Nation died of Small Pox. [39.] But that was years in the future. The younger chief was yet still full of hope and vigegar hoping he could pull off.

Per Blumer, A second high point in King Haigler's career came when he negotiated the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 70 miles to the north of the Waxhaw Old Fields on the banks of the Catawba River. About 16 miles west of what was soon to become the village of Lancaster.” In 1760, per the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill, he ceded most of the 55,000 square-mile land base of the Catawba. Settlers had already moved onto most of it, anyway. He was able to keep two million aces near the Waxhaw Old Fields.
Two Maps
Most of the many broken bands of mayy bands of the Catawban Bands people decided to unite united to band their under Haigler's banner of the Catawban people. He gave the people of a hope, a dream, and for tipe, this was enough. All these bands moved nearer to one nearer one another.

Map 18. The Road to the Catawbas, 1750

Notice the Catawba town is called Nasaue Town. Also we have Sugar Town (the Sugaree), Wateree Town living with the Chicisaw (Chickasaw). Waxaha Town is further down the river, and the location of the Congaree Fort is also shown even further south down the river, even though other records say it was abandoned decades earlier. Also some records suggested the Waxsaw were destroyed during the Yamasee River, there is still a Waxaha Town. If we see the 1756 map, perhaps Noostie town is Natchee Town, or where the Notchee (Natchez) took refuge. Nassaw and Nasaue town are probably one and the same, on the two maps. Notice Waxaha on the map. Altho others said the Waxhaw were extinct, but here they are in 1750.

We have some Indians associated with the Catawba "living in the White Settlements", and we have the Catawba and remnants of various tribes also living with the Catawba. But we also have a third band of these remnant's eastern Siouan Peoples, the Saponi and other wasted bands, that have taken refuge in Southeastern Virginia, that we haven't discussed. I will discuss them, later. Another, a fourth  band of these Eastern Siouans, the Tutelo who had been with the Saponi, will flee to the Six Nations of Canada and New York. Other groups of the Saponi that were once at Fort Christanna split into even smaller groups. These form some of the state recognized tribes of today. It is possible some never went to Fort Christanna, but were absorbed into the local population. And there are the people called Melungeons, who have since erroneously been called many things. By the 1750s, this is the state of the Eastern Siouans. They are mostly a group of refugees, with an uncertain future.

This writing is about the Saura/Cheraw. They are found in the 1750s, living with the Catawba, but they had also been living near the North Carolina/South Carolina border, on the Pedee River, and were living in what was once called "The Old Cheraw's" section of South Carolina.

The map below is from 'The Catawba Indians', by Brown, between pages 32-33. It shows several Eastern Siouan communities and is dated to 1750.

Starting in the north, we have 'Cuttaboes, or Nasaue Towne' and it says 'The gate to Virginia Road'. Upstream is 'Sugar Towne', meaning the Sugaree. Just below is 'Wateree Towne'. Just beneath these are 'Wateree, Chicasaw, Sugar Ditto, and Waxahaw Towne'. There are a couple of places that look abandoned, Old Wateree Town and something that looks like a fort at the mouth of Congeree Creek.

Map 19. Catawba Nation, 1756
In the year 1756, the following map represents the Catawba Indians. The map is from 'The Indians of the New World', by James H. Merrell, page 163.

We have Nasaw and Weyapee close together. To the south is Noostie Town. To the east we have three more towns. From north to south, they are Charrow Town, Weyane Town or ye King's Town., and Sucah Town. We have Nustie and Weyapee from the Deer skin map in the 1725. We are missing Wateree and Waxhaw towns from the 1750 map, but they are replaced by Weyane. So in only 6 years the map has changed drastically. Also the Chickasaw in their communities have gone, probably back home to Alabama and Mississippi.

All these things are background material to help understand the Saponi to their north, and what became of them. It is my hope that understanding all this background material will help us understand them, as well, and the Melungeon communities that they spawned.

"Charraw Town" is mentioned on this 1756 map, and they are shown as living with the Catawba. Did they return to the NC/SC border region near the Pedee River, after this date? What became of them? This report is NOT complete -- will continue to work on it for a while, yet.

I am always doing one or another type of genealogical research on the internet. Often my genealogical research leads to historical research. They seem to go hand in hand. For intsance, my genealogical research led me to a bi and triracial isolate group called “the Melungeons.” I had nevre heard of them before the late 1990s. All the phoney research about the Melungeons led me to research the Saponi Indians, which in its turn led me to the Catawba, who were the largest of these eastern Siouan tribal groups.

I have come to realize more and more about these people. They have virtually dissapeared from history, but still live here amongst us, often by mixed race people more Caucasian than Indian, or perhaps more Negro, than Saponi. But what they and myself have in common is the American Indian factor.

Why did we dissapear as a full blood race? There are several factors. I will call them “PLAGUES” as is the case in the Bible.

The FIRST SIGN that something was about to change probably would have gone undetected. This sign we would call EXPLORATION. It would have consisted of explorers who charted the lands and peoples, their customs and languages, studying their strengths and weaknesses.
The SECOND SIGN; would be the slave trade. First the groups in Virginia vanished (all but a few hundred), by 1700. (25) The slave trade drifted down to South Carolina, and would end with the end of the Yamassee War before or about 1720. (26)

The THIRD SIGN would be warfare. There were many wars, but the most costly were the Tuscarora and Yamassee wars of about 1711-1717. After the Tuscarora and Yamassee wars that ended before 1720, most of the Southern bands had completely disappeared. Many of those who remained moved in with the Catawba for safety.

The FORTH SIGN was disease. A small pox epedimic killed half the remaining Catawban peoples in 1738, and a second epedimic in 1759-1760 killed half again, leaving but a small remnant alive.

The next step on the road to dissapearance, the FIFTH SIGN, was assimilation. There were so few survivors of each of the bands, they were forced to marry with both the Whites and Blacks. Assimilation causes cultures to die out, to be forgotten. A few embers always remain, and burn as amaller coals, lingering on for centuries in the hearts and minds of some of the peolpe. People are always curious and seeking answers. If they don't know the truth they will start following the lie. Sometimes they need someone who will seek the truth to show them the way. In every parable there are always the good crops, and there are the weeds. The weeds always come out first and try to smother out the true crops. This is what has happened to the Melungeons. Theweed came out first with these fantastic stories of “Portuguese Adventurers”, of excaped slaves from East Aftica, of Turkish, Armenian, or Moorish (Moroccan) slaves, even the lost ten tribes of Israel. These are all fantastic stories. They all overlook the onvious, that the American Indians left a remnant, a fragment, to this day. We are still here.

Many of those groups that remained in the East have since received state recognition. There are the Monacan, Occoneechi, Sappony, Haliwa, and Waccamaw. If I have missed some, please forgive me – contact me and I'll edit, and add you. And of course there are the two better known groups, the Catawba and Lumbee, who likely are descended from the Cheraw, perhaps mixed with other bands that have disappeared. Like the Phoenix, we have been granted a little kindling to see if we could stir up the ancient sacred fire once again.Can it be possible?

But for others, this opportunity has never manifested. From the 1850's until the Allotment Act @ 1900, there were several government promises of homes in Oklahoma for them, but later the government officials renigged on everyone of them. Many have never been provided the status of American Indian.

Since they were denied their own nation, some tried to enroll as Cherokee for the alotment act, and were turned down. There are similar groups in Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, the Carolina's and elsewhere.

This is pretty much the story of some of the people with mixed race heritage found in the American Southeast and South Central states, in whose hearts still burns a coal of remembrance of who their ancestors were. I am hoping some of the things I write will keep the small embers burning a little longer.

While pondering these things, and studying them, I read that many died of Small pox in 1759 during the French and Indian War. I also remembered reading that British General Amherst has somehow decided to give American Indians blankets carrying the Small Pox disease. As I read about General Amherst, I also noticed that this occurred DURING THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR! Was there a connection between the disease contracted by the Catawba that almost ended the existence of the tribe, and the actions of General Amherst? I wanted to find out. That search is what led me to search the records of the French and Indian War. Searching only on as I can't afford to travel < found far more than I expected.

In everything I read about General Amherst, it mentions his use of “germ warfare” occurred in and around Fort Pitt, and Fort Duquesne which preceeded Fort Pitt at this location. So I thought I'd start there.I found treasure troves full of information about my ancestors brother, who was Christopher Gist. There was more information about the Catawba than I expected, as well.

The war started over the French building forts along the Ohio River and its tributaries. One such fort was Fort Duquesne, which was built near the present city of Pittsburgh. It was built where the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers unite to form the Ohio River. The British made three attempts to take the fort. (1)

The first attempt was in 1754. Christopher Gist was scout for George Washington's Army. It was his Indian (Seneca/Mingo) reconniassance that alerted George Washington that a French force under command of Jumanville, was in the vicinity. Washington, with a force of 300 men, surprized a French force in the area, and defeated them. Expecting a counterattack, he hastily constructed Fort Necessity” nearby. His Indian allies were Seneca, led by Chief Tanaghrisson, also called “The Half King”.

As Washington suspected, the French counterattacked a month later with a superior force, and took Fort Necessity. They then burned it to the ground. During this campaign Christopher Gist and George Washington became friends, as Gist saved Washington's life.

The next year, 1755 – a second attempt was made to conquer Fort Duquense. British General Braddock was commander of this expedition. Both Washington and Gist also were on this expedition. This time the French and their Indian Allies surprized Braddock and his 1,200-1,400 soldiers. He along with 977 of his men were killed or wounded. Washington survived. He is cedited with skillfully leading the survivors to safety. Washington had convinced Braddick to take Christopher Gist along, and Gist, once again, saved Washington's life during this expedition.

The third attempt to conquer this fort was successful, although it didn't occur until 1758. As we shall see, Gist and Washington were advocating for the usage of help from the American Indians, as was Governor Dinwittie. Bouquett, Amherst, and the next Governor, Gov. William Fairfax, did not. Once Christopher Gist died, and Dinwittie was no longer in power, George Washington was alone. When he saw the British were not going to give him a commission, he resigned his commission in the Colony militia and would later return to Mt. Vernon.

Records exist of the help offered and given by the Cherokee, but in this report. However I am interested in the Catawba. The following is a direct quote from documents found online of these events, as they relate to the Catawba. While Dinwiddie was still governor of Virginia, he ralized the Frech had an advantage as long as they had Indians and he did not. He sent his people to contact with the Catawba and Cherokee. Below is an account of the meeting with the Catawba. (3)

His Honor the Governor having received several undoubted assurances of the sincere and hearty dispositions of the Catawba, and Cherokee Indians towards His Britannic Majesty's Subjects in general, and this colony in particular, and considered the great Importance of securing those war like nations to our Interest at this perilous juncture, when the French are laboring to seduce them from their fidelity to us, was pleased to propose in council the sixth of November last, That proper Commissioners should be sent as soon as possible to those Indians with an handsome present, and to conclude a firm and permanent league with them. Whereupon the council judging that no better use could be made of part of the money His Majesty had been graciously pleased to advance and send to his honor for the general service, unanimously agreed thereto. And Peter Randolph and William Byrd, Esquires, being nominated and approved of as gentlemen perfectly well qualified to conduct and carry into execution the proposed Treaties; they, in consequence thereof, having received his honor's letter, with his commission, and Instructions, and Speeches to the Chiefs of the said nations, proceeded immediately on their journey, and concluded the treaties and engagements, which are presented to the public in the following Sheets.

spoke as follows,
“Brothers and friends, at the request of my brother the Governor of Virginia, I made him a visit last year. After much talk with him, I've treasured up in my breast, and hope he has done the same, he told me that he did not then want my assistance, but desired that I would hold my warriors in readiness, not doubting, but that he should have occasion for them soon. It was at the repeated requests of the Northern Governors, that we concluded a peace with their Indians, which we have hitherto strictly observed. But as the Shawnese and Delawares, have broke the chain of friendship, between them and our brethern the English, we think ourselves bound in gratitude to declare them our enemies, and shall immediately take up the hatchet against them, and you may be assured, never lay it down 'til we have sufficiently revenged the Blood of our Friends. We have always been supplied, with cloaths, guns and ammunition, by the Great King, on the other side of the water, and have the most grateful remembrance of his kindness to us, which has link'd us to his Interest with a chain stronger than Iron. Our warriors delight in War, and our young Men are equally pleased that they have an opportunity of going to Battle. It is my resolution to lead them on whenever the Governor of Virginia thinks proper.

"We are in perfect Amity with the Cherokees, Cowetaws and Chickasaws. The Cherokees have ever been our friends, and as they are a numerous nation, we acknow|ledge them to be our elder Brother.

"WE hope they will shew a good example by sending a great number of their warriors to join us and our brethern of Virginia against the French and their Indian allies." Gave a belt of wampum.

KING Heigler, then desired his warriors to speak for themselves, upon which . . .

Prenchee-Uraw, spoke as followeth. “Friends and brothers,I am a young man, and have not yet distinguished myself in war, but I am not a little pleased, that I have an opportunity of doing it. If I should be so fortunate as to do any Thing that deserves commendation, I shall have the thanks of the great King George, and my brethern the English. But whether I am successful or not, my endeavours shall be such as to convince them of the Integrity of my intentions."

Chippapaw, then rose up and spoke as follows; “Brothers, you have put a bright hatchet in our hands, which we have accepted and hold fast. You have also directed us where to strike it. I am determined, either to plunge it in the blood of our enemies, or to lose my life in the attempt."

Hixa-Uraw, then spoke to the following purpose; “Brothers, I have listened attentively to what the King and warriors have said. Their readiness in complying with your request, has given me great Pleasure, and as I have Feet as well as they, I shall not stay at home, if they are able to support me."

THE other Warriors present said that the King and those who had already spoken had expressed their sentiments, and that they were ready whenever they were called on to hazard their Lives in Defence of their Brethern the English.

Comment: Remember how hard King Haigler had worked to reunite wandering bands if disenchanted bands of Indians after the defeats of the Yamassee War. This was a new generation who had not seen war, yet they had, I am cestain, heard stories of battles they'd fought during the Yamassee War. Haigler had made peace with the Six Nations so they would no longer attack him. His people were growing stronger once again, The Yamassee War 1715-1717 had weakened his people, and the 1738 Small Pox epidimic had killed off half the nation. But in the next 20 years they had slowly been adding to their numbers, and growing into a nation once again. There wre still a couple of bands that hadn't come home, but most had, as well as small numbers from wasted tribed who had straggled in.

BE it KNOWN to all those to whom these presents shall come, that the honorable Robert Dinwiddie, Esquire, Lieutenant-Governor, and commander in chief of the colony and dominion of Virginia, and Arataswa King, Chupahaw, Prenchee-Uraw, Hixa-Uraw, Tannasee, Yeaputkee, and Tooksesey, Sachems and Warriors of the brave Nation of Catawba Indians, laying nothing more to Heart, than by new ies to strengthen the good correspondence established between the subjects of the King of Great-Britain, residing in North-America, and their brothers and faithful allies the Catawba's, and to prevent, by measures taken in time, the accidents that may excite a war, or cause a disunion: The Honorable Peter Randolph, Esquire, one of His Majesty's Council, Lieutenant of the county of Henrico, and surveyor-general of His Majesty's customs, and the Honorable William Byrd, Esquire, one of His Majesty's council, and Lieutenant of the county of Lunenburg, on the Part and Behalf of the said Robert Dinwiddie, Esquire, and the said Colony of VIRGINIA, and the said Arataswa King, Chupahaw, Prenchee-Uraw, Hixa-Uraw, Tannasee, Yeaputkee, and Tooksesey, Sachems and Warriors on the part and behalf of the Catawba Nation, having full power, do treat, accord, and conclude the following Articles.

I. THAT the ancient alliance between the English and Catawbas be renewed, and the old chain brightened.

II. THAT if the French King shall at any time wage war against the King of England, the Catawbas shall wage war with all their power against the French King, and all his Indian allies.

III. THAT the Catawbas shall march into Virginia, Forty or more able warriors, within forty days from the date of these presents, to such fort or place as the Governor of Virginia shall direct.

IV. THAT the men who shall be employed in the service of the English, in the colony of Virginia, as warriors, be found and provided with all necessary cloaths, victuals, arms and Ammunition.

Page 8V. THAT neither the Catawbas nor Virginians, shall protect the disobedient subjects of the other, or entertain rebels, traitors or fugitives, but within twenty days after due requisition made, shall deliver them up.

VI. THAT if any Subject belonging to the King of Great-Britain, residing in Virginia, or any Indian belonging to the Catawba Nation, shall offend against this treaty, they shall be punished, without the treaty being any way thereby infringed.

Done and signed at the CATAWBA-TOWN, the 21st Day of February, 1756.
ARATASWA, (mark) or HEIGLER. [L. S.]
CHU•AHAW, (mark) [L. S.]
PRENCHEE-URAW, (mark) [L. S.]
HIXA-URAW, (mark) [L. S.]
TANNASEE, (mark) [L. S.]
YEAPUTKEE, (mark) [L. S.]
TOOKSESEY, (mark) [L. S.]

With the signing of the document above, the Catawba agreed to partake in the French and Indian War.

In 1758. Generl Forbes was given a force of 6,000 men with which to take Fort Duquesne. Washington, then a Coonel, was also along on this expedition. As for the Frenchmen, they only had a force of 200 men inside the fort, and they knew their position was useless. Upon arriving at the fort, Forbes American Indian scouts told him that the french had abandoned the fort, and had chosen to burn it to the ground. Forbes men soon built a new fort, and called it “Fort Pitt”, about a thousand feet upstream.

It was completed about 1761, and stood until after the end of the war. (4)
Records about Fort Pitt are the ones that talk aout General Amherst and his small pox infected blankets. However Fort Pitt didn't exist until 1761 and the Catawba Small Pox Epidemic was from 1759-1760. The years don't add up, but the timing is still very close. Does one event have anything to do with the other?

We also know Chritopher Gist plays a significant role in this story, and now is the time to start discussing him in more detail. We have the following from the family search website. (5)

Early in 1755, when it was learned that Major General Edward Braddock was on his way from England with troops and that a strong effort would be made to recapture the western country, Gist was sent into the South to invite the Cherokee and Catawba Indians to help drive the French from their hunting grounds. Progress was slow but Governor Glenn of South Carolina gave him some assistance and the Indians finally promised to take part. As General Braddock approached Fort Cumberland with his troops and no Indians were yet in sight, Governor Dinwiddie sent Gist's son, Nathaniel, to hurry them along. Young Gist, who by this time was quite well acquainted with Indian methods, was fairly successful and had between four and five hundred ready to march, when a certain Richard Pearis, a trader respected by the Indians, belittled the young man's efforts. He represented to them that Gist had no commission or presents and that one so young and of such little importance would not be sent on such a mission if their presence were greatly needed. Consequently Gist arrived at Fort Cumberland without the Indians.

My comment:
If you look online, many of the descendants of these various “Nathaniel” Gist's get them all entangled and mixed up together. Please remember I have communicated with many professional genealogists, including DNA administrators of the Gist surname at The Nathaniel Gist mentioned in the previous paragraph is NOT the same Nathaniel that I descend from. Christopher Gist and Nathaniel Gist were brothers who each had sons named Nathaniel Gist. We descend from Nathaniel, the son of Nathaniel. To make things more complicated, MY Nathaniel (brother of Christopher) had a brother named Richard, who had a son named Nathaniel. Richard and Nathaniel (the brothers) both died at the Battle of Kings Mountain in the Revolutionary War and they lived near one another to boot. Many Gist researchers get all these Nathaniel's mixed up, confusing one for another, and I can see why. If you are not EXTREMELY careful, you'll get them mixed up as well. So we have Christopher's son, named Nathaniel, visiting both the Cherokee and the Catawba. Meanwhile my Nathaniel Gist Jr lived in Cumberland County, NC, just to the east of the Catawba homeland.
Back to the narative:

At the same time, Washington was relieved of Indian management and Edmund Atkin was appointed the king's agent to take charge of that service. Washington showed his friendship for Gist by sending him with a letter to Speaker Robinson urging an appointment for him in the Indian service. He wrote, "I know of no person so well qualified . . . He has had extensive dealings with the Indians, is in great esteem among them, well acquainted with their manners and customs, indefatigable, and patient . . . As to his capacity, honesty, and zeal, I dare venture to engage." Gist was subsequently appointed a deputy in the Indian service by Atkin. His duties were to distribute goods to the Cherokee and Catawba Indians and to continue soliciting their friendship. He was located at Winchester a greater part of the time and his dealings with the Indians occasionally led him into heated controversies with the high strung governor. At one time he complained that he was retarded in his work because he did not receive the necessary confidence from his superiors. Dinwiddie replied with a letter outlining Gist's specific duties, in which he remarked :"I know not what You mean by the Country being troubled with an (6) Agent they cannot confide in." Gist continued faithfully in his appointed work during the remainder of 1757 and 1758. Sometime after Captain Gist's company in the regiment was disbanded, his son Nathaniel joined one of the other companies. In the early part of 1758 he was sent with six soldiers and thirty Indians to reconnoiter Fort Duquesne. After suffering great fatigue, occasioned by the snows of the Allegheny Mountains, the party reached the mouth of Redstone Creek, where Gist by a fall from a precipice was rendered unable to proceed. This caused a change in plans and the party separated. Three of the Indians descended the Monongahela River in a bark canoe till they came near Fort Duquesne, where they left their canoe and concealed themselves on the margin of the river till they found an opportunity of attacking two Frenchmen, whom they killed and scalped. These scalps were later brought to Fort Loudoun at Winchester by Ucahula, one of the Indians.

comment: At first I thought this was a Cherokee, and he probably is. I was thinking of the Fort Loudoun down in the Cherokee Nation. But THIS Fort Loudoun is up in Pennsylvania near Winchester, Virginia. I still think he is probably Cherokee, but not as certain as I was.

Lieutenant Gist at this time was reputed to be one of the most valuable scouts on the Virginia and Maryland frontier. In June, 1758, he made his way to join the Virginia Regiment at Fort Cumberland, where Colonel Washington was collecting his forces preparatory to joining Forbes at Raystown (Bedford). Captain Christopher Gist was also active in the affairs of the camp at Raystown. After a strenuous effort he was able to deliver to Colonel Bouquet a body of Cherokee Indians for the campaign against Fort Duquesne. These Indians disappeared, however, before the march began. Gist was with Forbes at the camp on September 3, 1758, but it is not likely that he accompanied the expedition. On November 25 Nathaniel Gist marched with General Forbes into the ruins of Fort Duquesne, and he may have been with Major Lewis at Grant's disastrous defeat a short time before. It is certain (7) that Ensign Thomas Gist took part in this memorable battle on Grant's Hill.

comment: Thomas was another of Christopher's brothers. The Gist family were well represented in the French and Indian War.

Thomas was wounded and taken prisoner by the Indians and was carried into Canada. After a year of hardship he escaped, made his way back to Virginia and rejoined his regiment. In a letter of December 31, 1758, to Washington from Captain Robert Stewart, written while the latter was on duty at Fort Loudoun, the following is related : Last night Lieu1 Gist, Sergeant Ostin (who Mr Gist got from the Indians) and three men on Furloueh with Liberty to stay at this place only 3 days arriv'd here in 7 days from Pittsburg where Fort Barracks, & Store Houses were erected, three Months Provisions laid in and three Months more on the Road —this Fort is 120 feet in the interior Square with four Bastions in each of which they have got a small Mortar Mounted — the Barracks Form the Curtains and the Bastions are Stockaded —the Duty there is hard and our Men suffer vastly for want of Clothes —The Indians informs our people that 150 of the French went down the River with the Cannon and 350 more (the remainder of the Garrison) went up to Venango where they now are and from whence (the Indians add) a Body of Troops will pay our Garrison a visit whenever the River is open.

In searching for the Catawba during the French and Indian war, 1754-1763, I have found some information online in the George Washington Papers. Although this was NOT material I thought I'd be able to find, it is important, and I feel I should share it, as well. I ran into a couple of things I wasn't expecting. A couple of times a particular Catawba warrior might have been mentioned by name, as were the Saponi and the Tuscarora. This had nothing to do with discovering the origin of the small pox epedemic that ravaged the Catawba, but it was of interest. So I have saved a small space to mention more on these things.

To George Washington from Clement Read, 15 March 1757

From Clement Read Lunenburg March 15th 1757.

Dear Sir,
About 10 Daies agoe, there came to my House twenty Six Indians of the Cawtaba Nation, with two War Captains, Capt. French, or the French Warrior, and Capt. Bullen, who I sent under the Care of Robert Vaughan to Williamsburg where they desir’d to go before they March’d to you.

About five daies agoe, there came to my House 93 of the same Nation with their King, Haglar, after they held a Council, it was determin’d, that the King, with his Brother and Conjurer, shou’d go to Wmsburg also, and that the others shou’d March directly to you; Whereupon, as their Numbers were great, the Country thro’ which they were to pass thinly Inhabited, and as the Frontiers might be frightned at such an Appearance of Painted Indians, I deem’d it necessary to send a White Man along with them, And as Robert Vaughan was gone with thee first 26, and as the Nation seem’d very fond of him, I thought I might please them in sending his Brother Abraham Vaughan with these to you, and they seem’d pleas’d that I did.

What I have to desire of you Sir, is, that you wou’d please to Satisfie Mr Vaughan according to thee trouble he has taken & must take, I need not inform you that they are a very troublesome set of people, and their manner of travelling thro’ the Inhabitants, must give their Guide a vast deal of trouble & fatigue, And as from this Consideration, & the Necessity of Keeping up a friendship with them, I have taken these Steps, in the Absence of his Honour the Governor, which I hope may be approved of.

As from Information of these Indians, I every day expect, Capt. Johnny Cawtaba & Mr Abraham Smith a Virginian with 200 Cherokees and some more of the Catawba Nation which I must also send a White Man with as a Guide I must hope, and take the freedom of recommending to you, the paying of Mr Abraham Vaughan to his Content, otherwise I have reason to fear, We shall hereafter get none to go on this Slavish Service;

I need not add, but that I am, Dear Sir, Your unknown, but most Obedt Hum. Servant,
Clement Read

P.S. I have given Abraham Vaughan twelve pounds ten shillings, all the money I have, to assist him in Carrying on to Winchester. C.R. (22)

The above mentions “Captain French” aka “The French Warrior” and “Captain Bullen”. Mr. Read also mentions There came too my house 93 of the same nation with their king, Hagler. After a council, it was determin'd that the king with his brother and conjurer, souuld go to Wmsburg also, and that the others should march directly to you . . .

To get this straight, ninety-three Catawba Warriors were to march directly to Col. Washington's command. There were already 26 Catawba present. That makes 119 total. There is also mention that Hagler has a brother whom they call a “conjurer”.

To George Washington from William Fairfax, 22 March 1757

Dear Sir,
I rec’d your Favor from Philadelphia dated the 2d inst.since which finding the Governor likely to stay there longer than at first expected and many Matters of Government requisite which could not be done without Me I set off from Belvoir and arrivd here the 17th The next Day I was duly qualified in Council as President & Comander in Chief, which has given Me an Opportunity of seeing and treating with Numbers of the Cherokees & Catawba Indians,2 discuorsing with Major A. Lewis & Lieut. Williams on their Affairs. I hope They will soon be under your Command as They appear to be of a warlike Temper and Disposition, fit & willing to encounter any Difficult Attack. I shall be glad to know your Success with Ld Loudoun and his Commands to You in the ensuing Campaign—Thô You may hear of the Genl Assembly’s being prorogu’d to the last Thursday in next Month, yet as several Things as well for your Regiment as the public Weal of the Colony are wanted to be Examind, Setled and adjusted, We expect the Governor will Soon after his Arrival call & appoint a much earlier Meeting—when We shall be glad to See You and give Testimony of our hearty Affection.3
As the Cherokees and Catawba Indians appear to Us well attacht to our Interest We are desirous of preserving Them, therefore endeavor to please & satisfy them. We have furnishd them with what could be got here: what is yet wanted and you can procure Please to accommodate them and Send or bring the Accot thereof.

Pray remember Me kindly to yr Officers and the brave Men of yr Regiment, and continue to believe that I am with all affecte Regards Dr Sir Yr assurd & loving Friend &ca
W. Fairfax
P.S. I referr to Majr Lewis for pticulars.4

comment: The moral of both te Cherokee and Catawba warriors appears to be high. It was written after the previous letter and before the next one. (24) The next letter also mentions these same Catawba warriors. From George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, 2 April 1757
to Governor Dinwiddie; Alexandria, 2 April] 1757.

Honble Sir,
A letter which I received from Capt. Mercer, upon my return to Alexandria, informs me, that 95 Cutawba’s, beside 25 that are gone to Williamsburgh, are now in Winchester, waiting orders how to conduct themselves1—That, according to custom they are in want of matchcoats, shirts, leggings, and all other necessaries. I shou’d be glad to receive your Honors particular directions with respect to providing them with those things, and in what manner they are to be employed: as I understand they intend to accompany (in a body) any Troops of ours that may march towards Du Quisne: Or, if no Expedition of that kind is intended, then to go out in small scalping parties against the Enemy.

As your Honor gave me no particular directions concerning withdrawing the Troops from Fort Cumberland, or how they are to be employed & posted when relieved by the Marylanders; I shou’d be glad of orders now also, whether I am to bring off all the Virginia Stores (Provisions excepted) at the same time that the Indian Goods are removed.

If your Honor does not choose to give particular directions concerning the disposition of the Troops, but leave it to me; I shall endeavour to post them in the most advantageous manner I can, until I have the pleasure of seeing you; when this and many other affairs may be fully settled. And I hope you will not think it advisable to order any part of our small Regiment to march for Carolina, ’till the Assembly meet and come to some determination about raising more, as the consequences might be bad.

Notwithstanding I know it was determined that only Forts shou’d be retained and that these were fixed on; I shall not evacuate the others without orders as I know it wou’d be attended with very ill effects. Nor do I think it advisable that they should be dismantled just at this time. However, in this as in all other points I only wait your Honors determinations, to carry them into execution.

I set out immediately for Fort Loudoun, and from thence to Fort Cumberland, if time will admit of it. I have ordered this Express to proceed as soon as he receives your Honors Despatches to the former. Governor Sharpe did not incline to give Captain Dagworthy orders to march to Fort Cumberland, until you shall have given particular Orders about withdrawing our Garrison5—Therefore the sooner I receive them the better. I shall be down by the 28th if possible, & remain Your Honors, &c.
G:W (23)

My comment:
First, notice Captain Dagworthy, mentioned above. An Indian town called “Blackfoot Town” had existed in the Maryland/Delaware border. He became a General in the Revolutionary War, Blackfoot Town was named after some Indians who came down from New Jersey who were probably Delaware or Nanticoke. It was later named “Dagsboro” in honor of General Dagworthy.

Also please notice the Catawba are still divided into 2 parties, one group of 25 in Williamsburg and the other of 95. Earlier in mid March they were divided into 2 groups, one of 26 and the other 93. So now there are 120 whereas before there were 119 Catawba 18 days ealier. It appears that more Catawba participated in the French and Indian War than I'd thought. Also note the government WANTS THEM to go out in small scalping parties.

There is a letter dated the 24th of April, 1757, from Captain George Mercer detailing the Cherokees being upset because they didn't receive the benefis they were told they'd receive. Mercer is worried the same will happen with the Catawbas. An excerpt from his letter reads:

From all this you see how necessary ’tis to have a proper Present immediately laid in for them. We may soon expect the Catawbas in too, who have an absolute promise of a present from me on their Return.7 If these Indians go home dissatisfied, we lose the Interest of the whole Nation.

On the 5th of June, 1758, Governor Dinwiddie stepped down, and Francis Fauquier became Colonial Governor of Virginia. Attitudes towards the American Indians changed. Dinwittie would have listened and adjusted his behavior accordingly. Fauquier will not.

We see a change in policy towards the Indians with a change in governors of Virginia. Dinwittie knew he had to pay the Indians for their support. Those payments wee not in money, but in rifles and ammunition, in clothing, cooking utinsils, beads, et cetera, things they could not make or produce themselves. They were not paid as they expected. As a result, the Indians decide to leave. Perhaps this change in policy would have occurred even if Dinwiddie had remained in office. The Cherokee in the Spring of 1757 also were not given the same “gifts” they expected, either, and Dindiddy was still governor at that time. What ever the case, the English saw the Catawba's that returned home differently. The following is from a ltter written July 4, 1758 by A. Boromsworth to George Washington.

“I desire you'll be so good as forward the enclosed to Captn Gist that he may not be imposed upon by a scalp which Captn Johnny pretends to have taken with his Catawbas. Colo. Bouquet is well convinced of the deceit & desires you will take Care Gist’s letter getts to Winchester before Johnny can, The circumstances are so strong against him that they admit of no manner of doubt, therefore think he has been sufficiently rewarded for the Service he has done us & deserves not the least Countenance for such a scandalous attempt. I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you soon & am Dr Sr With perfect regard Your most Obedient Humble Servtant,
A. Bosomworth
my Complts to Colo. Byrd &ca. Please to Seal Gists letter

Captain Johnny of the Catawba brought a small party of Catawba to Virginia for a time in the fall of 1756, and he also probably came with the party of Catawba who were in Williamsburg and Winchester in March–May 1757. He was certainly back in Winchester by May 1758, and on 1 June Captain Johnny and twenty-five Catawba marched with Adam Stephen and his troops from Winchester to Fort Loudoun in Pennsylvania. On 28 June Bouquet wrote Forbes: “This morning I sent off Captain Johnny and his Catawbas to the Ohio, and gave them Lieut. [Colby] Chew of the Virginians, a very alert young man, with two other men. They have orders to try and take a prisoner, and to reconnoiter the enemy’s forces” (Stevens, Bouquet Papers description begins Donald H. Kent et al., eds. The Papers of Henry Bouquet. 6 vols. Harrisburg, Pa., 1951-94. description ends , 2:142–44). Presumably Captain Johnny returned from his mission with the suspect scalp. Bouquet wrote Forbes on 11 July that “the Catawbas have left us like scoundrels, after bringing us one scalp, which was recognized by the Cherokees as an old scalp which they themselves gave them in the spring”(16)
comment: Remember the context. The Catawba were told that they'd be given gifts upon arriving but were not. Perhaps Captain Johnny thinks he has every right to the “gifts” they'd been promised. He might have offered an old scalp in the hopes the English want to save face, and provide the gifts they'd promised, but did not provide. Meanwhile, the Cherokee recognize an old scalp, and get upset at the Catawba for presenting it. You would think an old scalp would look dried whereas a fresh one would look fresher. That should be easy to determine just by looking at it. Okay, let us continue.

The Next Letter
There is a second letter concerning this account;
From George Washington to Francis Fauquier, 10 July 1758
To Francis Fauquier
. . .
. . . A Letter from Colo. Bouquet of the 6th which I have just receivd Contains this Paragraph.

“The Cuttawba's under the Command of Captn Johnney are gone to Winchester; they have behav’d in the most shameful manner, and run away as a parcell of thieves rather than Warriors without seeing me; they have never killd a deer, and there is the strongest suspicians that the Scalp they pretend to have taken, was an old one.

“I think it woud be very necessary to send a message to their Nation to complain of their Conduct, and know at once if they are Friends or Enemies. if you approve of it, I shoud be obligd to you to propose the thing to the Governor of Virginia: I write to General Forbes on the subject.” (17)
Washington writes back to Bouquet:

I am sorry to hear that the Cuttawbas have so egregiously misbehavd themselves—when I write to the Govr of Virginia which I expect may be in a few days I shall touch on this Subject. I am Sir Yr most Obedt Hble Servt
Go: Washington (18)

Here is an excerpt of that letter Washington promiset to the governor

A Letter from Colo. Bouquet of the 6th which I have just receivd Contains this Paragraph.

“The Cuttawbas under the Command of Captn Johnne are gone to Winchester; they have behav’d in the most shameful manner, and run away as a parcell of thieves rather than Warriors without seeing me; they have never killd a deer, and there is the strongest suspicians that the Scalp they pretend to have taken, was an old one.

“I think it woud be very necessary to send a message to their Nation to complain of their Conduct, and know at once if they are Friends or Enemies. if you approve of it, I shoud be obligd to you to propose the thing to the Governor of Virginia: I write to General Forbes on the subject.” (19)
The new Virginia Governor Fauquier wrote back to Wasington the following about the Catawba, and he is talkng about Indians in general --

“In Relation to Coll Bouquet's paragraph about the Catawba’s I am not much surprized for I have never entertain’d any high opinion of the friendship of any Indians, nor form’d any great expectations from their service. As for sending any messenger to them as he proposes I apprehend it will be too late to under take any Thing of that sort for the benefit of this campaign, and according to their behaviour in it, We shall be better able to know what to say to them at the end of it. All that is now to be done seems to me to be this, to keep those in good humour who still remain with you, lest They should do mischief to the inhabitants in their Return home (as some have done) if they leave you in an ill humour. But as you have already wrote to General Forbes on this subject. I shall readily acquiesce in any measure you shall agree to be proper. (20)

coment: It is obvious the new English Governor has no respect for the American Indians. As we shall later deetermine, Bouquet also has no respect for the American Indians. The difference in cultural expectations and norms was too wide a gap to them to be able to bridge. In reading about Christopher Gist, he kept saying the Governor's office didn't respect him or his efforts. One can see this in their letters back and forth. Also notice the opinon of Colonel Bouquet and Gov. Fauquier concernig the Indians. As we shall see, Bouquet was of the same opinion concerning the Indians as General Amherst. They both wanted to give the Indians blankets that were full of the Small Pox contagen.

A pro-British alliance had previously been taking shape in southern Appalachia that would lead more Cherokees to take part in the war. Although some Overhills did go north earlier in 1757, many remained skeptical of British promises and believed they should stay home to hunt.

In late August, 1757 in Chota, Overhill Cherokee capital, there was a council taking place. Recall a few paragraphs back where in july 25th, 1757 Christopher Gist was named Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Southern Divison. In September 1757 Christopher Gist went himself to discuss with the Southern Indians, sending more warriors to protect Virginia farmers and settlers on the frontier, from the French and their Indian allies. Three Catawbas were invited to talk with the Cherokee. A direct quote from the website above says, “

“During their Green Corn Ceremony [the Cherokee] heard three invited Catawba give a powerful war talk against the French. “The Creeks, Chickasaws, Cherokees, Catawbas, Tuskeroras, Notowagas, the Sapony’s & the Six Nations,” the Catawba dignitaries recited, “we are all Brothers together & joined together against the French and the Indians.” (12)

So in 1757 in a letter to South Carolina Governor William Lyttleton, there was a mention of the Saponi's participating in the French and Indian War, as well as Tuscarora and Notowego's.

There is one estimate that says the Catawba might have contributed between three hundred and four hundred warriors to the English war effort. I think that was probably a high estimate, but yet, it is there. (11)

I finally found a reference saying Christopher Gist died July 27th, 1759, while on the road between Williamsburg and Winchester, Virginia. There is another location saying he died on the 25th. Somewhere it said there were 62 Catawba with him (13), but another account says in April, 1758 there were 57 Catawba's amongst the Southern Indian contingent (14). We have other accounts of 25 and 95. They obviously sent different parties of warriors at different times. By the 1756 treaty agreement they agreed to send 40, but they sent far mor than that amount. I suspect they rotated warriors like our military does today. I suspect some of the young men stayed home hunting, and drying meat while another group was in the field for a spell, then they would rotate, much like our military does.

A short month after Colonel Bouquet and Gov. Fauquier have written Wahsington back and forth degrading the Catawba Indian Warriors, we have Washington lamenting the deaths of two Catawba warriors. We have Washington's writings in the following letter:

From George Washington to Henry Bouquet; Camp at Fort Cumberland 24 August 1758;
“I had the pleasure likewise of receiving yours of the 23d the Generals happy recovery affords me vast Satisfaction, and am glad the New Road turn’s out so much to your Liking.

“The Convoy from Winchester arrivd here yesterday in the Evening—they set out with 468 Beeves, 9 were killd on the Road and 411 were deliverd at this place, the rest were lost on the Road; but as the Officer sent immediately back after them we are in hopes the greatest part of them will be found.

“As only 26000 lb. of Flour came up (which is not quite a Months Provision’s for the Troops here) I have according to your orders detaind it, likewise 90 Beeves, the rest sets out early to Morrow Morning as does all the Forage except 60 Bushels of Corn.

“When the Convoy got within 6 Miles of this place 3 Cuttawba Men & 2 Squaws contrary to the Advice of the Officers, set on before the Convoy for this Garrison, and soon after were fird upon by about 10 or 12 of the Enemy who Killd Captn Bullen and Captn French, & wounded one of the Squaws. The loss we sustain by the death of these two Indian Warriors is at this Juncture very considerable as they were very remarkable for their bravery, and attachment to Our Interest—particularly poor Bullen, whom (and the other) we buried with Military Honours. The rest of the Cuttawbas, & what Nottoway’s and Tuscarora’s that are here sets out to Morrow with the Waggon’s for Rays Town.1

As we had Intelligence of several Parties of the Enemy being about I detach’d Parties different way’s in hopes of coming up, or cutting of the Retreat of some of them but without any effect—at same time I reinforcd the Convoy with 50 Men.

There are several Waggon’s which came up here with the Flour, that I am at a loss what to do with.
Sergeant Scot (mentiond in a late Letter)2 this day returnd. He, when within 2 Miles of Fort Duquesne came upon a few fresh Tracts making Inwards which he followd, apprehending that they were just at hand, till his Provision’s were expended; and was thereby obligd to return without making any discoveries worth mentioning—I am glad Mr Chew & Mr Allan3 has been able to give you Accts so agreable.

Captn Woodward of the first Regiment 3 Subs. & 75 Rank & File Marches tomorrow with 12 day’s Provision’s to waylay the Road in the same manner as Captn McKenzie did.

Inclosd are exact Returns of Our Strength here.4 I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt
Go: Washington (21)

comment one:
There are a couple of interesting things here. First, notice it says “The rest of the Cuttawba's & what Nottoways and Tuscarora's that are here sets out tomorrow with the wagons for Ray's Town.” Assuming the “Notowaga's” and “Notoway's” are the same people, then their presence is confirmed, as they are now mentioned twice. The same is true with the Tuscarora's. Only the Saponi's are mentioned once. But they are mentioned with others that are present. They were mentioned only by the Catawba's themselves. I suspect the Colonists didn't mention them separately, because they probably travelled with the Catawba and were considered a part of the Catawba contingent. It is interesting that the Virginians mention the Nottaway and Tuscarora, but not the Saponi. The Catawba mention all three. The Saponi's had been a Virginia tribe.
Comment two:

You can't help but notice the two Catawba who were killed. It says 3 Catawba men and two women went ahead of the rest, and they were fired on by 10 or 12 of the enemy, killing Captains Bullen and French, and wounding a female. Only a month earlier the English were complaining about the Catawba leaving the battlefield. The new governor and Col Bouquet were writing back and forth about the Indians not being of much value. But see what George Washington says about them. He says, “When the Convoy got within 6 Miles of this place 3 Cuttawba Men & 2 Squaws contrary to the Advice of the Officers, set on before the Convoy for this Garrison, and soon after were fird upon by about 10 or 12 of the Enemy who killed Captn Bullen and Captn French, & wounded one of the women. Washington says the loss we sustain by the death of these two Indian Warriors is at this Juncture very considerable as they were very remarkable for their bravery, and attachment to Our Interest—particularly poor Bullen, whom (and the other) we buried with Military Honours.”

Washington had great respect for the two catawba warriors. He said they were “very remarkable for their bravery.” This doesn't sound like “scoundrels” Bouquet called them.

There is one more twist to this story. William Byrd wrote Forbes on this day: “Some Indians that escaped affirm they were Cherokees that did the Misschief; & ’tis probable they were, as they left a Knife & a Spear in Bullen’s Body that Captain Gist gave them, which he knew again” (Scottish Record Office: Dalhousie Muniments). (21) One report says they were “fired upon” by 10 or 12 of the enemy. But a second report, from the surviving Catawba (one male warrior and two females) said they were fired upon by the Cherokee. Christopher Gist said the knife and spear he had previously given the Cherokee were found in Bullen's body. The author of this article says to this conjecture, “tis probably they were.” Why would they take their women with them? They thought it was safe. This sounds like it was some kind of a revenge killing. These murders will probably remain a mystery for a long time to come. We know nothing of the clan structur of the Catawba. So much has been lost.

JULY 25, 1757: Christopher GIST, Esq., was appointed by Edmund ATKIN, Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the Southern Department, as his deputy in the colony of VA. GIST's duties were to be "upon the Spot, not only to confer with (the Indians) from time to time, but to direct them, their Conductors or Leaders, Interpreters, or others having any concern with them. ... to Subsist and distribute Presents to them," and to fill any vacancies that might occur among his hirelings. His first duty was to settle the Indian accounts, debts which had been incurred by WASHINGTON and other officers in the VA Regiment.

Sep 1757: Edmund ATKIN and Christopher GIST left Winchester with an interpreter to contact the Indians in the south and urge them to join the Virginia Regiment in scouting parties to help protect the western settlements against the French. A year passes.

Some of the officers of the Virginias Regiment wrote letters to Washington expressing their regret at his resignation of the command. He had resigned after the victorious third, and last, attempt to take Fort Duquesne, at the end of 1758. (25)

Washington had hoped to receive a commission in the English Army because of his valuable contrabutions to the war effort. Then this did not happen, he resigned his Colonial Commission from the state of Virginia. However after reading some of Washington's letters I found online, I suspect he also didn't like the tone of the new governor of Virginia. He and Gist had worked long and hard to get the support of the Southern Indians, and the new governor and many of the principle officers just blew that off as a waste of time. They didn't like the Indians, and really didn't care if they helped or not.

As late as September 16, 1759, Colonel George Mercer, then at Winchester, speaks of [Christopher Gist]. A little later we hear of him for the last time. After Wasington stepped down, he still received mail from his former military companions. Captain Robert Stewart, serving at Fort Pitt, after describing to Washington in a letter of September 29, 1759, the beauties of the newly captured country, inquired, "what Steps have been taken in securing to us, those Lands which poor Capn Gist was to have entered for us, I hope the needful is done, they surely will soon be very valueable." Until this time his name is referred to frequently in correspondence of the French and Indian War. After this the references cease and his name cannot anywhere again be found. It is said by different writers that he died about this time in North Carolina or Virginia of smallpox.

The late John Ritenour made some attempt to locate the place of his burial but without success. In November, 1762, the "Administrators of... Christopher Gist, deceased," petitioned the Virginia assembly for six hundred pounds due Gist for service in Indian affairs. (10)

My comment: You might wonder why I am spending so much time on the Gist's, and think perhaps I am researching because of a curiosity about some of our relatives. Well, that got my attention as well – but there is far more. Christopher was assigned to work with the Indian Service, and aided in seeing to it that the Cherokee and Catawba were well supplied and provisioned. Christopher Gist died, and part of this record is an attempt to discover the exact date of his death, and more about the Indian service.. In this letter from Capt. Stewart to Col. Washington, he mentions “poor” Capt. Gist, as though he has died, dated Septembre 29th, 1759. The relevance of this information will shortly be made clear. We see he died before the end of September, 1759.

Before this date, Edmund ATKIN left the colony and gave GIST a number of instructions and ordered him to keep him informed of the VA situation. He instructed GIST to establish two stations in the VA frontier, one at Winchester, where he was to be stationed, and the other at the head of the Roanoke River.

Vance's note: If you look at the city of Roanoke on a map of Virginia, the Roanoke River flows right through it. There is a town called “Catawba” maybe 10 miles to the northwest. The Indian scouting parties, raised among the Cherokees and Catawbas, were to assemble at these stations, be fitted for war, and after their period of service was over, to be given presents promised by ATKIN and his agents in the south who had hired them.

This article continues with Indians ariving in Winchester in Northern Virginia for the fall 1758 campaign. Gist knows the Cherokee were promised certain things which the English ignored, and therefore the Cherokee plunder neighboring farms and return home. It does go on to say “Forbes had only a few Cherokees and a few Catawba's . . .” for his 1758 campaign to retake Fort Duquesne.

Now we come to Captain Gist's death :

1759: During the early part of the year, GIST was busy sending Indian scouting paries out to guard the VA frontier. The French continued to send raiding parties of Indians against the English settlements, where they killed and took many Englishmen and women as prisoners. GIST was successful in buying back some of the prisoners.

We hear that in 1759, on 25 Jul: At the time of his death from smallpox, he was conducting 62 hand-picked Catawba warriors to Winchester to help guard the western frontier of VA. (2tt) Died intestate.
1759, 12 Aug: Col. George MERCER met the Catawba warriors near Winchester and urged them to go on and join the VA troops, but they said their Father Capt. GIST was dead and it was better to return home. (15)

1762, Nov: The administrators of the estate of Christopher GISt petitioned the VA Assembly for L600 due GIST for services in Indian affairs.

Comment: So it was the duty of the Catawba and Cherokee to discover information about the movements of the French and Indians on the Virginia frontier, and prevent them from attacking the farms and towns found there.

However the major reason I started researching and sharing all of this is that it is stated that Captain Christopher Gist died of small-pox while conducting sixty-two Catawba Warriors to Winchester in 1759. Another reference said they were going from Williamsburg, Va. To Winchester. The next entrance says Col. George Mercer (who was Capt. Gist's commanding officer) met with these Catawba to convince them to remain. Their response is that “Their Father”, Capt. Gist, died and that it was best for them to return home.

We see that the young Catawba Warriors called him “Father.” Much is written about the Gist's relationship with the Cherokee, but their relationship with the Catawba is seldom mentioned. The term “Father” is a term of friendship, respect and honor.

Christopher Gist had died of Small Pox.The Catawba'd seen small pox before. In 1738 a small pox epedimic wiped out half of the Catawba Nation. The young men of the Catawba Nation might not remember much about the the 1738 epedimic, their elders did. They wanted to get away from there as fast as they could. It did not help. It is said that in 1759-1760 that half of the Catawba Nation again had died of Small Pox. King Haigler had worked so hard to rebuilt his nation and people. All his attempts to rebuild the nation form the bringth of extinction was wiped out in a single small pox epedimic.

Finally, we have another comment about the Catawba leaving the battlefield for home after Christopher Gist's death; Gregg mentions it in “History of the Old Cheraws.” He says;

"In the South Carolina Gazette of June 2nd, 1759, this account was given; On Tuesday last, 45 Charraws, part of a Nation of Indians incorporated with the Catawbas, arrived in town, headed by King Johnny, brought him the scalp of a French Indian . . . taken . . . during the whole expedition against Fort DuQuesne . . ." [68.] This is in reference to the French and Indian War. This is the same scalp they were arguing over earlier. The first account says the Catawba left with 62 warriors, and this says 45 return. That accounts for all but seventeen Indians who left at the time of Gist's death. They either returned to the Catawba, the Saponi, to the front lines, or some to each location. Captain Johnny seems to have been a well respected warrior, as he was mentioned for several years. He might have been the last Cheraw Chief, or King. We know about this time they were still incorporated with the Catawba.

Two Treaties
Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 1760
At the time of first contact between the Catawba and Associated Bands and the Europeans in 1521, the Catawba and Associated bands claimed a land base of 55,000 square miles. After the 1570s, the Spanish interest in their nation waned. It is largely thought that Small Pox Epedimics during the Spanish years had ravaged the nation on numerous occasions. They appear no closer to a cure than they ever were. The Spanish made a few attempts at establishing a colony on the Carolina coast, and a few slave raiding expeditions came north from the Spanish Florida and the Caribbean. After Father Montero left in the 1570's, little effort was made to convert the Indians to the Christian faith.

There was a fourty year hyatus before a renewed contact with Europeans, until about 1607, and the arrival of the English. There was another 60 or so years until the English lamded in South Carolina. Every emigrant who landed at Charleston, South Carolina, took a parcel of Catawba land. There were many thousands of settlers, some of whom took hundreds of acres of land. Now by 1760, most Catawba lands were gone, and few Catawba remained, scattered in pockets, with the ancient capital Cofitachique at a place now called Camden, still their capital, although by 1760 it was called “Pine Tree Hill”. With the nation but a fragment of its former glory, King Haigler realized a need for a new treaty in the hopes that it would prevent more settlers from claiming his nation's lands

The Catawba agreed to abandon Pine Tree Hill and move north to the Waxhaw Old Fields, near prsent day Lancaster, South Carolina. The text of the treaty has been lost (some say conveniently). By the terms of the treaty, the Catawba lost their lands in Virginia and much of both Carolinas. King Haigler did keep two million acres of land however, for the Catawba. Much ancestral lands, were gone for ever, from central North Carolina to Danville, Virginia. [41.]

Blumer's only description of the lands the Catawba kept say “They kept control of two million acres centered in a circle around the Waxhaw Old Fields.” Blumer goes on to say “Thinking the Indian way, he kept Catawba hunting rights to all of South Carolina.” [42.]

Although the treaty no longer exists. Somewhere there must be a record of what it included, as Dr. Blumer continues to describe what was in the treaty. He says that South Carolina Governor Bull agreed to prevent White settlers from moving to within thirty miles of any Catawba settlement, and to remove those who trespassed within those limits.

The Catawba immediately moved to the region provided for them, around the Waxhaw Old Fields. Blumer says it s thought both North Carolina and Virginia went unmentioned in the treaty, however much of the land ceded by the Catawba was in their realms. Both states immediately siezed the lands permitting settlers access to it.

In reality, North Carolina settlers had already moved onto some of the lands reserved to the Catawba, and since the treaty wasn't signed by North Carolina's Governor Dobbs, he didn't feel compelled to obey it. South Carolina had promised to build a fort to protect the Indians, but didn't do so for many years. When Catawba hunters fanned out about South Carolina for fur trading, mobs of Whites bat them and stole their furs. So much for hunting rights. On August 30, 1763, King Hagler was traveling from his town to visit the Waxhaws. The story goes that he was attacked by seven Shawnee, shot six times, and scalped. This crime occurred only months before King Hagler was to attend a Treaty signing at Augusta, Georgia. His death was convenient for both Carolinas. Also the terms of the Pine Tree Hill Treaty were conveniently lost. Colonel Ayers, inexperienced, represented the Catawba in Augusta. Instead of keeping two million acres, the Catawba lands dwindled down to 15 square miles. [40.] With King Haigler's murder in 1763, the whole treaty came under question. (p. 38, Treasures in History) Apparently the Catawba lost even most of the two million acres they were supposed to receive. In 1979 an an unsuccessful attempt was made to find a copy of the treaty, unsuccessfully.

Blumer states, “As it stands, what little we know of the treaty is learned from secondary sources” [43.]. It is believed the circular dotted line from the map below was the Catawba Naton per the Pine Tree Hill Treaty of 1760, and it is known the 1763 treaty reduced their lands to the diamond shaped lands on the map below, where the letters CN are centered.

Map 20. Treaties, Pine Tre Hill 1760, Augusta 1763

The circular dashed line on the NC/SC border is a approximation of the the two million acre region that King Haiglar negotiated in the 1760 Pine Tree Hill treaty that has been lost. The diamond shaped region insie the circle labeled "CN" is the fifteen square mile region renegotiated in 1763.

Augusta Treaty, 1763
Please know in 1759 a Small Pox epidemic killed off about half of the Catawba Nation. It was the year after this great loss that King Haigler signed the Pine Tree Hill Treaty. During those years they had also aligned themselves with the English during the French and Indian War. Per Blumer, they were nervously watching settlers move closer and closer. Just 3 years after the Pine Tree Hill Treaty, the Catawba were back at the negotiating table, ready to sign another treaty. All the Southern Indians were to participate in the treaty negotiating.

In July of 1763 the King of England issued a proclamation to the colonies that only the British Crown could purchase Indian lands.

The Catawba arrived in Savannah on October13, 1763 with a delegation of 60 men, women and children. By the end of October, the Chickasaw, Creek, Choctaw, and lastly Cherokee arrived around Savannah. King Haigler had just died 2 months earlier, and their contingent was headed by Colonel Ayers. In three years the Catawba had signed 2 treaties, one in which their land base went from 55,000 square miles down to 2,000,000 acres, and the second in which they could claim only 15 square miles, or 144,000 acres. It is easy to blame Col. Ayers, but he was not as experienced as King Haigler. I suspect he did his best, and the English probably used his lack of experience against him. Had Haigler lived, perhaps they might have retained more land. We may never know. [44.]

Blumer quotes part of the treaty transcripts: “The Catawba's are all of one mind . . . His land was all spoiled. He had lost a great deal both by scarcity of Buffalo and Deer. They have spoiled him 100 miles every way and never paid him. His hunting lands formerly extended to the Pedee River, but is driven right to the Catawba Nation.

If he could kill any deer he would carry the meat to his family and the skins to the White People . . .”
Little of the treaty actually concerns the Catawba:

i.] We, the Catawba headmen and warriors . . . declare that we will remain satisfied with the tract of land fifteen miles square. ii.] The Catawbas shall not in any respect be molested by any of the King's subjects. iii.] Their lands are to be surveyed and iv.] they are allowed to hunt off tribal lands. [45.]

The Catawba in the Revolutionary War
The American Revolution
The Revolutionary war puzzled the Catawba. They did not understand the settlers fighting one another. The Catawba by this time were ruled by King Frow. Preparations for war by neighboring South Carolinians worried King Frow. He sent two runners to Charleston to find out what was going on. South Carolina let them know that they expected the Catawba to side with the state, and they were also expected to send a delegation to secure the allegiance of the Cherokee.

King Frow soon abdicated, and was replaced by General New River. He was said to have been a war hero of great merit.”

About this time the Catawba sent a delegation to Charlotte, North Carolina, and were present at the Declaration of Charlotte. At this moment, there was no turning back. Another warrior is mentioned – Pine Tree Ceorge, a war captain. As in days and years gone by, the men danced and fasted, and the women combed the mens hair in bear grease. The men decorated their heads with deer tails, which identified them as loyal to the Revoutionaries.In October 1775, 25 Catawba enlisted under Samuel Boykin.I February 1776 Boykin commanded 34 Catawbas and was used in the Low-country to round up run away slaves.In August 1776, 20 Catawba fought beside Colonel AndrewWilliamson's men against the Cherokee. Per Blumer, many Revolutionary War records are sketchy and are probably incomplete. [46.]

One major event during the American Revolution that involved the Catawba was during the summer of 1780. At this time, the English took the city of Charleston from the Colonists. They were aware of the sentiment of the rebel's in the area of Charlotte, North Carolina. On May 29th, the English massacred a group of American soldiers at the Waxhaws, where the Catawba lived. Later, camden fell to the British on August 16, 1780. As by now the English were aware of the Catawba participation in the war. With the fall of Camden noting stood between the Catawba towns nad the British Army. Having seen them massacre American troops who had surrendered, the Catawba decided to evacuate their homes. [47.]

The entire Catawba Nation fled to the north in August, 1780. Dr. Blumer provides a map of their route. They fled north, through Charlottte and Salisbury, North Carolina. Dr. Blumer thinks they then head for Danville, Virginia. He says The land around Danville was still occupied by Catawban speakres, and was once claimed by Cofitachique when the Catawban realm consisted of 55,000 square miles through the Carolinas and the mountains of Southern Virginia. Today we know the Indians who inhabit this area as the Monacans.” We also know that there were others in the area, people known as “Melungeons”. From Danville their route is unknown. It is thought their final destination was somewhere between Danville and Roanoke, Virginia. Some think they went to live near the Pamunkey as a Pamunkey family is later found living with the Catawba. Blumer also says In any case the Catawba women and children were far from harm, perhaps in some unsettled hamlet such as the modern Catawba, Virginia, which is only five miles west of Roanoke.” Dr. Blumer goes on to tell us at that time, 1780, Roanoke had not been settled yet. Blumer says they returned home in 1781 with the Army of General Greene. He quotes David Hutchinson: “When General Greene turned south, the Indians brought their women and children from Virginia and dispatched some of their numbers to bring word as to the situation of the property they had left. They received word from Charlotte about thirty miles from their towns, that all was gone; cattle, hogs, fowl, ect, all gone . . . [48.]

Even though the link as you can see, is "cut short", I used the "copy" and "paste" feature on my computer, and this link still came up. Computer sources make terrible links, because they are often moved from location to another. I hope to get more reliable citations when I can.
(6) Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 1-.270, 272, 301; Washington, Writings, 1:372 (Ford edition). 47 Dinwiddie, Official Records, 2:622; Washington, Writings, 1:442, note 1 (Ford edition). 48 George Washington, Writings, 2:236 (edited by Jared Sparks — Boston, 1834). LAWRENCE A. ORRILL Aug.
(7) Virginia House of Burgesses, Journals, 1761-65, p. 103 (edited by John P. Kennedy —Richmond, 1907) ;Dinwiddie, Official Records, 2:671, 707, 708, 713; Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 2:215, 244, 260. 60 William A. Crozier, ed., Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-17J6, 27 (New York, 1905); Washington, Writings, 2:283 n. (Sparks edition); Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 2:334. 1932 CHRISTOPHER GIST 215
(8)Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 2:362; 3:79; Virginia House of Burgesses, Journals, 1761-65, p. 52, 175. Gist's name appears as "Guest" in the list of officers of the First Virginia Regiment killed or missing. Olden Time, 2:28s (June, 1847). 52 Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 3:148. 53 This is a little nearer an exact date than heretofore calculated. Neville B. Craig states that it was "probably about the 1st of January, 1759." History of Pittsburgh, 66. 54 Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 3:143; Olden Time, 1:195 (May, 1846). 216 LAWRENCE A. ORRILL Aug.
(9) Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 5:173 (October, 1897); Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 3:159, 165.
(10) Virginia House of Burgesses, Journals, 1761- 65, l>- 136.
(11) ; With three hundred to four hundred warriors, the Catawbas played less of a role in influencing the outcome of events in the Ohio Valley. For an analysis of eighteenth-century estimates of Native population numbers, see Peter H. Wood, “The Changing Population of the Colonial South: An Overview by Race and Region,
(12) Paul Demere to William Henry Lyttelton, Oct. 11, 1757, Lyttelton Papers
Christopher Gist died 7-25-1759 of smallpox while guiding Catawba warriors to
Winchester to guard the frontier against the French and other Indians.
(14) The British’s April count included 57 Catawbas as well, bringing the total number of “southern Indians” to 652; see “A Return of the Southern Indians,” Apr. 21, 1758, Headquarters Papers of Forbes, reel no. 1, item 132. John Forbes gave his estimate in Forbes to John Campbell, 4th Earl of Loudoun, June 17, 1758, in Alfred Procter James, ed., Writings of General John Forbes Relating to his Service in North America
(16); To George Washington from Abraham Bosomworth, 4 July 1758 – ” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October 1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 260–261.]
(17)“From George Washington to Francis Fauquier, 10 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October 1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 275–276.] Bouquet’s letter has not been found, but see GW to Bouquet, 7 July, n.7. For Bouquet’s report on 11 July to Forbes on the actions of the party of Catawba, see Abraham Bosomworth to GW, 4 July, n.1.
(18) From George Washington to Henry Bouquet, 7 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October 1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 267–269.]
(19)“From George Washington to Francis Fauquier, 10 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October 1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 275–276.]
(20) “To George Washington from Francis Fauquier, 20 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October 1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, p. 303.]
(21)“From George Washington to Henry Bouquet, 24 August 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October 1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 416–418.]
(22) To George Washington from Clement Read, 15 March 1757,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 4, 9 November 1756 – 24 October 1757, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1984, pp. 117–118.]
(23) From George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, 2 April 1757,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 4, 9 November 1756 – 24 October 1757, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1984, pp. 126–128.]
(24) To George Washington from William Fairfax, 22 March 1757,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified December 28, 2016, [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 4, 9 November 1756 – 24 October 1757, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1984, pp. 118–120.]
(25) See Richard Thornton's research
(26) See “Tha Indian Slave Trade” by Allan Gallay
Harvard University Library of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology GIFT of Lombard C. Jones; Falmouth, Massachusetts ; The First Explorations of the Trans- Allegheny Region by the Virginians 1650-1674; By Clarence Walworth Alvord and Lee Bidgood; The Arthur H. Clark Company; (c) 1912

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