Saturday, May 18, 2013

Genealogy


Genealogy
          I will be adding to this blog entry as I think of things. This is for starters.
I have done a lot of personal genealogy, and think I might be able to help others with theirs. The following is a process I go through to aid me in my research. Remember there are NO SHORTCUTS! It is long and tedious. Don’t accept other people’s data that you yourself have not verified. Remembe you MUST BE ABLE to map a person to a location during a specific timerfame. Remember there were many, many men named “John Brown” or William Smith! But there aren’t many Vardeman Collinses. Certain branches will be easier to swing on than others. Follow the path of least resistance if you can.
I.                  The Beginning
A.   To start with, ask the elders of your family about your family. Either write down what they tell you, or have them write it down. They will give you several leads to pursue.
B.   Obtain a copy of your own birth certificate, and the birth certificates of your parents, grandparents, and great grandparents. Go as far back in time as you can. Note when and where your ancestors were born.
C.   Also obtain copies of marriage and death certificates. This will also give more information, such as place of birth. Use these things to determine where your family lived.
D.   Find a copy of all the census records for the locations where your family lived, when they were living there. Follow this trail as long as you can. Obtain census records of your parents, your grandparents, your great grandparents, et cetera, as far back as you can go. These things will tell you where your ancestors lived, and when they lived there.
II.               County Records
County Records – the birth, death, and marriage certificates and license, and old census records will tell you what city, county, state or territory your family lived in. Look up the records pertaining to those regions, at the time your family was there. You might discover court records, land records, or your family member casually mentioned with respect to something you hadn’t expected. If your family member participated in some historic event, read up on that event. Go way beyond what you need to do. For instance if an old letter turns up where your great grandpa wrote saying if they needed protection from the law, all the peace officers had to come from Fort Smith in the 1880s, then read up on “The Hanging Judge”, Isaac Parker. Will this have anything to do with your family? It probably won’t, but it might. And it will give you some insight as to why your great grandpa would even think of mentioning that.
          Some churches document church membership very well, others don’t.
          If your ancestors were veterans of one war or another, find out where they served, what unit, when and were did they enlist and when and where were they mustered out of service.
          In all genealogy research, you MUST map a person’s name with dates and locations. These three variables must be known.
III.           American Indian Research
If you are looking for an American Indian ancestor, additional steps must be taken.
A.   Family Stories
Refer to your family stories. Do they say, literally, you have an ancestor from any particular tribe? Read about that tribe, its history, its relationship to other tribes, its wars, the locations and movements of the tribe and the dates it lived at each location. Does any of this match your family? Never forget family stories are NOT proven facts. My experience with them leads me to conclude that they are not accurate, but rather parts of them simply were ‘presumed’ true by our ancestors. The human brain is an amazing think. Where facts don’t exist, we very rationally try to fill in the blanks. When I was a young man, maybe 19 or 20 years old. I remember being asked what tribe my ancestors were. I realized I didn’t have a clue. I replied however, “Comanche.” Quickly my brain analyzed the question, I knew my Dad was born in Southwestern Oklahoma, and I knew the Comanche were from Southwestern Oklahoma. I wasn’t trying to deceive anyone. I made rational guesses, based on the best information I had at the time. I honestly thought there was a good chance that was true. I now know I was way off base. Some parts of family stories might be true and other parts might not. Our ancestors were NOT trying to be deceptive, they were just trying to fill in the gaps with the best information they had at the time.
B.   Rolls and Treaties;
The government keeps ‘rolls’ of all people defined as members of Indian Nations. Each Federally Recognized Tribe has its own ‘rolls’. If your family stories say your ancestors were from some tribe, go over the various rolls for that tribe.
C.   Mapping a Name to a Date and a Location.
Map the movements of your family, your family history, to the movements of the tribe in question. Did your family live in point ‘A’ during the same time your target tribe also lived at point ‘A’? Keep trying until you find a match. You might find more than one match.
D.   Historical Records
There are books about each tribe, some going back in time centuries. If you can’t find your family still, perhaps your Indian ancestor was centuries ago, back to a tribe that no longer exists. Also don’t neglect histories of individual counties where your family lived. There may be clues that are little known. There might be some local county historian who will say, “Person ‘X’, who was part Indian, . . ..”
And maybe that is ALL you will find. Learn your history, and learn it well. Some tribes are well documented back in time, such as the Cherokee. Others are barely known, such as the Catawba, despite records of them going back to colonial America. Be sure you try t find the ‘primary sources’ of the information found in old county histories. These were often written by amateur historians who didn’t cite their sources. Do the best you can to discover the original source of that is said. If you can find the original source, get a copy of it, and discover exactly what it was.

Carson VII -- Trying to Maintain an Indian Identity


Carson VII – Trying to Maintain an Indian Indetity
           Many of the families Carlson studied repeatedly asserted their claims that the were Indian. Attacks that they were NOT Indian came from various sources, from primary of these was the clam that they were Portuguese instead. This is erroneous. Others tried to maintain their Indian heritage by moving to Indian Territory, to be nearer other Indian peoples. There was a third group, those who tried to take andantage of the United States Claims court ruling in the early 20th century in favor of the Eastern Cherokee. One catch for this option, is that many of these people were not Cherokee. Their rsponses nontheless t4ells us a lot of their origins.
            Still NOT Purtuguese!
          Carlson also speaks documents mentioning “the Melungeon Indians”. He says (p. 192); “From 1813 to 1830 the large citizen Indian population around Greasy Rock and Stone Mountain was typified by extensive intermarriage between the primary families . . . This composite Indian population thus began to be referred to as “Melungeon Indians”. He speaks of a ‘Griffen Collins’ who enlisted for service in the War of 1812, but was discharged , Carlson says ‘probably  due to his advanced age’. Remember the Rev. Charles Griffin who was a school teacher at  Fort Christanna? Remember the Saponi Indian named “Charles Griffen” a generation later residing near a Saponi Indian named ‘Thomas Collins’? Now, more than  a half a century after that, we have an elderly ‘Melungeon’ named Griffen Collins! This is a straight line from Fort Christanna, a former Saponi Reservation in Virginia, to the Melungeons found in Hancock County, Tennessee and Scott County, Virginia. He also mentions other surnames, Bunch, Collins, Bolen, and Sizemore.
          Carlson also says (p. 194) “ . . . More revealing is a map of the region made in 1820 which labels the Greasy Rock Indian Community as the “Melungeon Indian Village (534, 538).” We have (p. 200) Carlson saying; “Also a part of the greasy Rock Indian population, but geographically located further down the Clinch Valley into the jurisdiction of Grainger County, was the 'Indian Creek Indian Village' and a few other isolated households of citizen Indians and mixed-bloods.
          Interestingly, Collins says (p. 204); “Local deeds,  for example, of newly in-migrating whites buying land adjacent to 'an Indian Village'. As late as 1837, the Hawkins County Land Books, for instance, recorded the survey of James Livesay for 500 acres of land as bordering ‘an old Indian Village' on the waters of Painters Creek on the North side of the Clinch River.”
          Was this an ancient Cherokee village? NO! On page 199 Carlson also mentions the following; “A number of other Greasy Rock Indian families are shown in 1830 . . . living scattered . . . in Hawkins County, either in isolated households or I small clusters of extended family relations.” Carlson mentions several families listed as “free colored” (most of these people have also been enumerated as “white” on other census records) on 1830 census records. Surnames include Gibson, Boling, Goodman, Moseley, Jones, Collins, Minor, Goin, Hale, Cold, Bear,, Anderson and Fish. Carlson says; “. . . families lived in a cluster of homes on Painter’s Creek [which] was also sometimes referred to as an “Indian Village” by local Whites (546). So the “Indian Village” mentioned was actually a Melungeon Indian Village dating to the Melungeon Settlers in Hancock and Hawkins Counties, only, maybe back to the 1790s or 1800s. It was these Saponi settlers for whom the ‘old Indian Village on the waters of Painter’s Creek’ was named. Some have suggested this account of an old Indian Village onPainter's Creek is proof of a Cherokee Village on that spot. NO IT ISN'T! It is the EXACT SPOT some Melungeon/Saponi families decided to settle! Theirs was the old Indian Village!
          Carlosn says the term “Malungeon” was NOT derogatory, originally; but that by the 1840s, this was the case. Carlson comments how (p. 210) the term “Melungeons” by the 1840s was already being misused, to describe others not part of the original community. Carlson says; “In another newspaper article published in 1848 and reprinted in Littell’s Living Age a year later under the title The Melungeons, is an early example of how the derogatory Malungeon label would be used in print for generations to come.
          Speaking of Littell’s article, Carlson says (P. 211), “Due  to this lasting effect, this Jonesville writers willingness to forward erroneous facts and descriptions should become obvious to the present reader . . . Carlson says Vardy Collins was a respected businessman, with a resort and hotel, as well as a religious man. Carlson says the article in Littell’s would undermine the image of the local community. Carlson says (p. 211); “If enhancing their civilized status through economic and material or religious means was the intentions of Vardy Collins or others, the anonymous author of the article in Littell’s would undermine that accommodating image. His representation is centered on his  brief visitation to the Indian Village at Blackwater Springs (aka Vardy’s Springs) where he stayed in Old Vardy’s public Resort and Hotel. In a few strokes of the pen,, his descriptions and assertions undermined the Christian and civilized characteristics of the community that Vardy and some of the others tried so hard to outwardly maintain.”
          This article reads in part (p. 212); “The legend of their history is this. A great many years ago these mountains were settled by a society of Portuguese adventurers, men and women, who came from the long shore parts of Virginia, that they might be freed from the restraints and drawbacks imposed upon them by any form of government. These people . . . freed as they were from every kind of social government, they uprooted all conventional forms of society. . . . trampling on the marriage relation,, despising all forms of religion. . . . These intermarried with the Indians and subsequently their descendants with the Negroes and Whites, thus forming the present race of Melungeons.” Although no emigration records mentions a ‘Society of Portuguese Adventurers' – both men and women came by the way, according to this article – arrived in America to be free from government. Carlson says there might be some truth to an early day Spaniard intermarrying with some Indians, but by page 213-214, Carlson says; “The erroneous idea of the so-called Melungeon Indians as wholly descending from a lost Portuguese community of ex-pirates and Spanish adventurers would be accepted by many Whites as fact.” So people who knew no better would fall in this trap, and a whole host of faulty scenarios would emerge. Everyone from lost Portuguese adventurers (both male and female), to Turkish 'lost souls', to ancient Welshmen and the lost tribes of Israel, would emerge as the ancestors of the Melungeons -- a tragedy. I have no idea why these insane ideas, some straight out of the x-files, get so much press.
          The article calls Vardy as chief cook and bottle washer, rather that a smart business man and a community leader. Littell says his hosts are almost without the knowledge of a Supreme Being. To the crontrary, they were God fearing folk who attended church regularly. The article goes on to paint this little community as nothing more than ignorant hillbillies. He paints a very derogatory description of them. Yet White readers ate it up, and wanted more.
          Carlson concludes (p. 219); “If nothing else, this article indicates that in the case of the Greasy Rock Indians living at Vardy’s Village, despite generations of attempts to peaceably maintain a civilized image, they could not change the derogatory lens through which many non-Indians would continue to perceive them.”
           I can't help but know his name was VARDEMAN Collins, and know that a Mr. Vardeman (who became a Baptist Minister) was the principle witness that got a relative of mine, Aaron Gess/Gist, hung as a horsethief in 1801 at Knox County, Tennessee, Court House. One day, maybe, I'll tell that story.
          And p. 220-221; “Despite their attempt to cultivate a Christian and  Civilized image through church membership, participation in county civil affairs, maintaining land ownership, and even operating a hotel and resort, some outsiders perception of these Indians was not favorable. . . . and described them as “poor drunkards” with “no knowledge of a supreme being.”
          Here is where Carlson ends the topic.
          The usual reason listed for proclaiming a Portuguese identity when there was none, is the Jim Crow laws of the day. A Portuguese was a White man and therefore could vote. A mixed race Negro could NOT vote. It was as simple as that. And this is true with respect to the court cases. But I can’t help but remember the French Huguenot Reverend who said the offspring of an Indian and a White person looked like a Spaniard. Now these people who, out of the blue, wrote derogatory accounts of the Melungeons, also said they descended from “Portuguese adventurers”. They were simply gussing, and it made for good press.
          In the next chapter Carlson discusses the movement of certain families to Magoffin County, Kentucky. He says, as early as the 1790s some families made seasonal hunting trips into Eastern Kentucky. By 1840, these people had become know as the “Salyersville Indians”. He mentions some family surnames for some of these families. These surnames include Nickels, Perkins, Sizemore, Brown, Hale, and he says “others”. He continues to say his Coles are Cherokee, but as far as I can tell, has no proof of it. In all other entries and genealogical information, Dr. Carlson is meticulous in providing them. I can understand as I have done that in the past without proof as well. We want to believe so strongly that our family stories are true, but we cannot prove them. In mentioning some surnames in Eastern Kentucky, he mentions on p. 239-240 the surnames Mosley, Allen, Nickolls, Howard, Castile (note: now that IS a Spanish surname! However it is NOT, repeat NOT -- a Portuguese surname -- sorry folks, good try though.) Moore, Steele, Perkins, and Cole. On page242 he adds Sizemore, Grant, and White. Of course we have Gibson and Collins. They are everywhere! Carlson mentions that these families were all mixed-bloods, and were in Floyd County, Kentucky. Some of these families, the same families designated “W” for white in Tennessee, were designated “M” for mulotto, in Kentucky. On p. 259 he mentions the Dale surname. He says by the 1860s most of the families were in the newly created Magoffin County, and says they were, for the most part, classified as “M” on census records.. Page 263 mentions 2 new surnmaes – Auxier and Musgrove.As the years pass, he continues to add more and more surnames, presumably Whites who have married into these families.
          On page 288, he mentions some families moving to Ohio, 125 miles north of Saylersville, to Highland County, Ohio, to the town of Carmel.
          Chapter 8 starts on page 292,and describes the migrations of more and more families from Magoffin County, Kentucky to Carmel, Highland County, Ohio. These people are now often called “Carmel Indians”. Census records of these people do exist and they are easily discovered through mundane genealogical methods. It is the earlier lines that Carlson so skillfully pieced together. I simply think this material needs to be out there for Melungeon researchers to discover their roots, that they DO go back to the Saponi and Fort Christanna, and they should be proud of their ancestors.
           Please note we have not found a single reference to ANY Portuguese people AT ALL. There is NOT A SINGLE DOCUMENT ANYWHERE ON THIS PLANET that ties a single Portuguese adventurer, either male or female, to the Melungeon. There is not a singl document that ties a ship wrecked sailor, nor a servant, norany kind of Portuguese man or woman, to the Melungeons -- that's all done with smoke and mirrors, and a gullible public.
            Migrating to Oklahoma
          Carlson begins chapter nine, p. 333 by saying; “In the last half of the 1800s, small groups of families and individuals of the Salyorsville Indians had been periodically moving out to the Cherokee and creek Nations in Indian Territory.” Since this is what my family did – I am listening. He continues; “Coincidently, years later in an unrelated matter, many Salyersville Indian families remaining back in Kentucky would get involved in a court claims issue regarding all ‘Eastern Cherokee.’ In the process, they would provide letters, testimonies, and interviews which reveal the size and strength of their families as they addressed the government as a group.” Apparently the people of Magoffin County only heard about the interviews for Eastern Cherokee descendants, ow known as the Guion Miller Rolls, until 1907, and the court of claims would make its decision in 1905.
          Carlson says, p. 334; For nearly two decades prior to the Court of Claims decision, many people from Magoffin County, both Indian and non-Indian had been sporadically moving in small family groups out to ‘the Nations’ in ‘Indian Territory’. I can add a little something to this. After the Civil War thousand of ex-Confederate soldiers and officials moved to Indian Territory. Parts of the Choctaw Nation even became known as ‘Little Dixie’ because of all these immigrants. Speaking of Louanna Cole, Carlson says (pp. 334-335); “Most of her children out to the Cherokee Nation right before and after the Civil War.” Carlson speaks of a grandson of Louanna who attended school in Vinita. I mention this because  there was a short article in the Vinita Newspaper talking about an attempt to create ‘a Western Catawba Tribe’ in the 1880s-1890s. Another member of this family moved to Bedford, Oklahoma. Carlson says; “The rest of Siss’s children (Siss was a daughter of Louanna living in Oklahoma) in 1908 would report to the Special Commissioner of Indian Affairs that while they knew the names of Siss’s half brothers and sisters through Louanna (Louanna never left Magoffin County), they did not know their present place of residence, or even if they were still living.
          “Around 1880 a number of the Indians and mixed-bloods from Magoffin County . . . would set their sights on removing to the Indian Territory. . . most would go in large family groups. Carlson specifically mentions three families, Daniel and Jahaza Cole, James Jackson Shephard, as well as Shep and Mary Cole’s son, Lewis Cole.”
Carlson also mentions the Howards. He says (p. 336); “Another early connection between the people from the Magoffin County area and Indian territory involved a member of the mixed-blood  Howard family who remained closely tied to the Salyorsville Indians who later moved out there. This was James Jackson Shephard. . . . James left the Kentucky mountains sometime between 1872 and 1880 and sat down in San Bois in Indian Territory. (899).” Carlson mentions several places this family lived over the next few decades, including San Bois, Stigler, Broken Arrow, , and even parts of western Arkansas. Stigler was one of several towns recorded as having Catawba Indian residents. Two Catawba were said to live there, but unfortunately their names were not given, per a document published by the 54th Congress, dated 13 Feb, 1897. Interestingly, Carlson says “James would hunt deer and take the dressed mean to sell at places like Fort Smith. I must note my great grandparents also lived for a time in the 1870s near Fort Smith, but just inside Indian territory, by Sequoyah and Leflore counties. I wonder if his family knew mine. Some Howards also married into my Gist family.
Carlson speaks of James Shepard finally settling down in his old age at at Brushy Mountain near Muscogee in the Creek Nation, passing on in 1916. He adds; “by that point in time rte Brushy Mountain area near Muscogee had become the residence of a number of Saltersville Indian families who had since emigrated west. He mentions several members of the Cole and Perkins families had migrated to Indian Territory. He mentions Lewis Cole living in Stroud. He says most of the families that came to Indian Territory were members of the Cole, Perkins, and Fletcher families (p. 338).
Carlson says time and again he doesn’t know why these families came to Oklahoma just before the turn of the century, about 1900, a little before or later. I would suspect it had to do with land. Thousands, millions in fact, came to Oklahoma about that time. Parts of Oklahoma were just being opened up for non-Indian settlement from 1889 on. The Western Tribes lost their lands first to land runs and in one case, a lottery. All tribes lost their lands through the ‘Allotment Act’. All the citizens of the Nations were first given 160 acres. I believe they were given the option of land or money, and the smart ones took the land. Any excess lands were sold to Whites or those Indians not eligible to receive lands, for one reason or another. Moneys from these sales went to the tribes. So the more land they sold, the more money they made. Oklahoma went from a territory of probably, oh, I don’t know, maybe 100,000 persons in 1880 to a state with a population of three million by 1910. We became a state in 1907. People from all over the country came here to get the excess Indian lands at a cheap price. And a good number of these people were folks like my family, and like those from Salyersville, people who had some Indian blood Initially they’d hoped to receive an allotment of 160 acres. Discovering they were not eligible, they remained to purchase the excess. Carlson cites some lady who said her family lived in tents and dugouts. So did my family! My aunt wrote me a letter saying her mother (grandma) had spoken of her parents (my great grandparents) living in covered wagons and in half-dugouts. A great uncle also mentioned these things.
This is all I have for now. I will add a third part to this section where Carlson talks about their Guion-Miller claims, before I fall asleep, tonight.
Identity
On page 340-341, Carlson reveals that some of the Salyersville Indians were ‘astonished’ to discover that the U.S. claims curt had ruled in favor of al the Eastern Cherokee in 1905. Carlson says, “In January, 1908, they were perturbed that the government ha never informed them, and they were told that in less than a month the government  would cut off all further enrolment of potential claimants, regardless of whether they were entitled or not. Evidence needed to begathered and sent into the Special Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Goiun Miller. . . . The court of claims decision stemmed from two decrees of the Court issued in May of 1905 and1906 which stated that the Eastern Cherokee had been wrongfully separated from their eastern lands under the treaty of 1835, and were subject to further wrongs under the Treaty of 1846. As a result, under the June 30, 1906 Act of Congress, a little more than a million dollars [was] appropriated as compensation . . . For participation in this fund it was first necessary for the clamant to ‘establish the fact that they are eastern Cherokee by blood. . . . Goiun Miller . . .would ultimately receive nearly 90,000 applicants. In the end, only 30,820 would be allowed.”
          The Salyersville Indians, specifically the Coles, had maintained for years they had (p. 341) “been swindledof land held by them in the old Cherokee hunting reserve around the Cumberland Gap . . .Furthermore, Salyorsville Indians were unquestionably a long-standing community of Indian people despite the ambiguity of their historic ties to the Eastern Cherokee. . . . As with past Cherokee enrollment events, Kentucky was considered by Washington officials as out of the Cherokee Nation Zone, that is, the boundaries of the cherokee nation as it existed in 1835.”
          Early claimants from the Salyersville Indian community intrigued the Special Commissioners office enough to delay the cut off day of applicants for another year. Carlson says (p. 344); “Before the Summer was out, over 120 applicants representing over 400 individuals . . . were received by Miller rom members of the Salyersville Indian community.”
          Carlson says the Collins, Gibson, and Bolling families, known as Saponi, didn’t apply. A few Indians applied who said they came from Indian families of “Old Virginia” did apply. The large Sizemore family also applied. One applicant, Shep Cole, was asked when he left the Indian nation to live in Kentucky. His reply said he went to Kentucky when he “left the Indian Nation” in 1845. Carlson says “The Indian Nation Shep was referring to was possibly the Greasy Rock Community itself.”
          Carlson’s paper suggests some interesting details about the Sizemore family as well. For instance, Steven Sizemore says that originally, the Sizemores were Indians from Eastern Virginia. We have (p. 352) Carlson saying, “This history shows that, by the Revoutionary War, most Saponi, and over two dozen other tribes eventually subscribed to the label Catawba or Tutelo.” Other Sizemores stated, per Carlson; “that Old Ned Sizemore’s and his brothers originally came from ‘he cypress swamp, back in Cherokee country, Virginia.” They had confused ‘Indian Country’ with ‘Cherokee country’. Another replied ‘the spent time in the Cherokee country on the Catawba Reservation.’ Another said, according to Carlson; “Ned Sizemore was duly enrolled upon the rolls of the Cherokee Nation and made in that year . . .in the Catawba Reservation.” Carlson, n summing up several Sizemore respondents, says; “Most of Ned’s descendants claimed that Old Ned had come from ‘the Catawba Rive of the Catawba Reservation’ . . . before coming up to New River. . . they shared a collective memory of the Sizemore’s leavind their original habitation from ‘the great swamp’ in eastern Virginia even prior to that.”
           So although through all the efforts of these families, they never proved successful in their attempts to explain their heritage, many facts made their way to the surfqace, anyhow. At least one branch, the Sizemores, look more and more like Catawba Indians, not Cherokee. The Coles are still of uncertain origin. We have foud what was called an 'Old Indian Village' was in fact a settlement of the Melungeon Indians dating back only to the 1790s, and no earlier. We know that early Indian citizens of Southwestern Virginia, Northeastern Tennessee, and Magoffin County, Kentucky resented being called 'Portuguese'. But so mich time has passed that today's generation might have forgotten that.
           I hope these words are heplful to some people. It has take me many many hours to transcribe these things, and more hours yet to paraphrase it when I grew weary of transcribing it word for word. I know I have left out parts some readers might be interested in. But it is eswveral hundred pages long, so please forgive me -- I can't transcribe it all! I hope to honor Dr. Carlson's work, as it was a great efort on his part. I still need to go back, page by page, and include the citations. But besiedes that, I am nearly finished with this document.   If there are questions, email me at vhawkins1952@msn.com.
 
 
 

 

           

Sunday, May 12, 2013

Carlson VI -- They weren't Portuguese


Carlson VI – Mistakenly Called “Portuguese”


Origin of the term Melungeon
There is a lot of noise and confusion out ther about the origins of the “Melungeon” families. As Carlson so skillfully demonstrated, they can be DIECTLY taken back to Fort Christanna, and a settlement of the Saponi Indians, who were made up of the remnants of many bands of the Eastern Siouan peoples.
Carlson has a great deal to say on these topics (p-7-8), starting with; Looking for remnant groups of historical tribal populations, the few early ethnogrophers and other professional researchers aware of the Greasy Rock (Hancock County, Tennessee), Stone Mountain (Scott County, Virginia), and Salyerrsville (Magoffin County, Kentucky) Indian populations concurred, in part, with the people’s own explanations by defining them originally as ‘wasted tribes’ and refugee Indian families. But true to the thinking of the times, these observers held assumptions about the nature of social and cultural assimilation that led them to conclude the people’s still distinct and asserted ‘Indianness’ would soon disappear.
Of the term Melungeon, Carlson says; “No confirmed etymplogy of this regionally specific label has been developed., but most contend the word stems from the French ‘melange, meaning ‘mixing’.
To be exact, the French verb ‘melanger’ means ‘to mix’. First person plural of this French verb meaning “we mix” and is still in use today in the French language, is ‘malungeon’. If you have read these little reports I have made by rteanscribing bits hither and yon of Carlson, you will know that we have shown a French Huguenot minister visited the Fort Christanna Saponi and associated bands early in the second decade of the 18th century on at least one occasion, and he also visited some of the Indians, it could have been the same Christanna Indians, later in that century. In fact there were thousands of French Huguenot refugees from European persecution during that time frame, in the Carolinas and Virginia. This region of the country is also the origin of the Melungeon families.
A scientific principle known as ‘Occam’s Razor’ (paraphrasing it) states that if there are two or more explanations for a single event, choose the simplest. There are other theories. Some say if is Arabic or Turkish in origin, others it is from the Congo or Mozambique. These are all tantalizing and intriguing – but the simplest explanation is the French origin, which is an EXACT MATCH, letter for letter.
Theories
Now that we have the origin of the name, what is the origin of the people? What does Carlson say (p. 8)? “. . . by 1840 the Indians considered this label pejorative, and did not use it to identify themselves. Primarily as a result of a few particularly influential publications that emerged from 1889 to 1891, the imposed Melungeon label is used in attempts to explain ‘Melungeon origins.’ These explanations are based on various conjectural histories supported by popular myths and legends regarding, in part, shipwrecked Phoenician sailors, the lost colony of Roanoke, Turkish mercenaries, the Welsh Chief Modoc, Pardo’s lost soldiers, and/or the lost tribe of Israel, all of whom were said to have ‘took up’ with Indian women to form the contemporary Melungeon population. These theories segregate ‘Melungeon’ Identity from Indian identity, and instead hold the Stone Mountain, Greasy Rock, and Salyersville Indian populations to be representative of many mislabeled ‘marginal groups’, or ‘racial isolates’, or ‘racial enclaves’ scattered throughout the American Southeast. . . . Categories such as these are used to help explain away the persistence of people’s Indian identity claims.”
Carlson says all these ideas are flawed and he provides three reasons, the most important of which, in my opinion – my opinion and a buck and a half will buy you a cup of coffee – is the third; ‘lack of historic and ethnographic data needed to support their suppositions regarding the very nature of identity itself; that is, identities are socially constructed and culturally reinforced.’ In other words, there are no documented historical records that can cite a progression of events that show a distinct, continuous, group of related people migrating from Europe or elsewhere, to the Southern Appalachians, for which the label “Melungeon” has been given them.
Portuguese
On page 21 Carlson starts to address the ‘Portuguese’ question. He says; Most modern professional writers still accept the premise, generated in the 1800s, that Melungeon history and heritage – biological and social – is forever lost to contemporary researchers. Such outsiders have thus downplayed the peoples own assertion of being Indians in favor of emphasizing the possibilities of White, Black, Portuguese, Phoenician, Jewish, Moorish, Turkish, and/or Lost Colony ancestry among them . . . in a 1947 Saturday Evening Post article focusing on the Greasy Rock population . . .the author wrote “were his ancestors Welsh warriors, Phoenicians, or survivors of Roanoke?” . . .[he] says he’s 75 years old, and an Indian.
Carlson doesn’t mention the Portuguese connection again for some time. On page 60 he states; One month later [note, he had been speaking of the early Spring of 1716], the Governor [Spotswood] paid another visit to Fort Christanna] with a clergyman named Rev. John Fontaine. I only mention this because of something Fontaine later says. Fontaine was a French Huguenot, showing an early connection between the future “Melungeon” peoples and the French language. More on Fontaine later.
On page 80 we have Byrd From the Spring to the Fall of 1728 je journeyed through some Indian settlements, to survey the land on the North Carolina/Virginia border. He wrote a journal of his travels. One entry was about the possibility of mixed-blood (Caucasian/American Indian/Moorish) marriages, saying; “If a Moor may be washed White in three generations, surely an Indian might have been bleached White in two.” Remember the Moors lived in Portugal and Spain for 800 years.
On page 81 Carlson talks of both Byrd and Fontaine, saying; “Byrd also brought Rev. Fontaine on the survey.
On page 124 we finally have the reason I have mentioned Rev. Fontaine. Carlson says; “. . . Reverend Fontaine, who had visited Fort Christanna and travelled with Byrd and Ned Bearskin decades before . . . In a letter dated March 30, 1757, remarked that the colonists ‘ought to have intermarried with the Indians more frequently . . .he also noted his concernwith physical appearance by claiming that by promoting such marriages the offspring would result in Indian children as white at birth as a Portuguese or a Spaniard. As far as I can tell, this is the earliest documentation mentioning a Portuguese looking offspring of and Indian and a White man. And this record was mentioned by man born in France, who knew the French language as it was his first language. He would have known the meaning of “Malungeon” very well.
Carlson doesn’t discuss the stories of Portuguese Melungeons again until much later.
Carlson's Chapter Ten
In chapter 10 Carlson finally gets back to story of the origin of the mane “Melungeon”. Carlson starts the chapter (p. 371-376); “For nearly twenty years prior to the U. S. Court of Claims event described in the previous chapter, regional and national presses . . . had taken an interest in the Salyersville Indians relatives down in northeast Tennessee, the greasy Rock Indians. Recall the Greasy Rock Indians particularly had been occasionally labeled “Malungins”. Since at least the early 1800s. Up until the end of the 19th century, such references were few and far between. However all that would change in the late 1880s when a few professional academics , journalists, and other curious onlookers began loosely throwing the label around . . . Because this early printed dialogue would also directly and indirectly implicate the Salyersville Indian population, and because these dialogues remain so influential to outsiders’ perceptions . . . it is necessary to elaborate mor on this early popular and professional literature.”
He speaks of the writings of a man named Dr. Swan Burnett. He spoke at the American Anthropological Society in February of 1889. His paper was entitled “A Note on the Malungeons”. Note the spelling back the was EXACTLY the spelling of the French verb meaning “we mix”. In fact he states the word Malungeon came from the French.
Carlson says of Burnett; “Burnett said to the Society that some whites gave ceedence to the claim of them being a distinct race, a few inclining to the Portuguese theory, some thinking they entered the United States as Portuguese or Gypsies and afterward some have intermingled with Negroes, Indians, or both.
“. . . Burnett admitted he had never been among the greasy Rock Indian Community . . .
“. . . without any firsthand information and witout giving any sources for his assertion, Burnett claimed that those he called Malungeons “did not clam to belong to any tribe of Indians in that part of the country, but they proudly call themselves Portuguese. . .
“Burnett’s writings stand in stark contrast to the picture of the greasy Rock Indians presented here in previous chapters. . . .”
“Soon after his presentation at the society’s conference . . . Burnett informed the society that he had obtained some ‘new facts’ . . . from North Carolina State Senator Hamilton McMillan. Apparently some mixed-Indian group in Eastern North Carolina, along the Pee Dee and Lumber Rivers, were said to be called Malungeons, as well.
Carlson adds (p. 376) Interestingly,despite the gross errors and assumptions Burnett and McMillan forwarded . . . documents cited by Gerald Sider in Lumbee Indian Histories in 1993 lends some credence to the possibiltyof some sort of connection between the two Indian populations.
The year after Burnett’s presentation, Carlson says (p. 377); an urban socialite from Nashville would take it upon herself to make a ‘field trip’to the Greasy Rock Indian community to learn more about ‘malungeons’.The result would be a series of articles that a Ms. Will Allen Drmgoole would write and publish in the Nashville Daily American and the literary journal The Arena. . . . The contents of the articles were a mixture of fact and fantacy, but became, arguably, the most influential publications impacting outsider’s perception not only of the Greasy Rock Indians, but also of the Salyorsville and Stone Mountain Indian populations throughout the following century. Many for instance, take for granted her claim that‘… so much, or so little, can we glean from the records. From history we get nothing; not so much as the name ‘melungeon’.
Carlson continues (p. 378) of Dromgoole; “The first of Dromgoole’s articles asserted and accepted the people’s claim of Indian identity. Her impression was then that ‘. . . in appearance they bear a striking resemblance to the Cherokees., and they are believed by the people (around them) to be a kind of half-breed Indian. . . . but by the last of her series of articles she had shifted her opinion in favor of the claim that they were of ‘ a mixed origin of Cherokee and Portuguese.’
“. . . Not accustomed to rural, et alone mountain life, Dromgroole’s descriptions were of course filtered through the lens of her particular elite urban life. . . . Their homes were, to her, miserable hovels . . .”
Oh this is interesting. On P. 380 Carlson says of Dromgoole; “Dromgoole even claimed to enter the cabin of one charmer. . . . this woman claimed to be able to remove warts . . .” I recall Dad’s story of his grandma removing his warts. But this is a story for another day.
Back to Carlson and Dromgoole. He says Dromgoole emphacized the exotic elements. She claimed the men were slow and lazy. He says Dromgoole falied to mention that some of the local Indians were economically better off than some of their White neighbors. He continues “It is little wonder that both Indians and non-Indian of Hancock County came to resent such unfounded commentaries.”
P. 381, Carlson says; “Together, Dromgoole and Burnett . . . would do more damage to the reputations of the . . . Indian populations than anything before or since.” On p. 382 Carlson speaks of ‘resentment among the Greasy Rock Indians regarding Dromgoole’s work. He continues, “Considering all the errors and biases evident in Dromgoole’s writing, and the fact that she was just in the community for only a few days at most, one must question Dromgroole . . .”
Carlson mentions there were many ‘letters to the editor’ about the Melungeons in the Nashville newspaper, and says “Dromgoole would borrow liberally from these responses when writing her arena aticles.”
It was all he ridiculous stories by Dromgoole, Burnett and others, people who had never lived near nor knew anything about the the Melungeons, that prompted Lewis Jarvis to write his article about the origin of the Melungeons in 1903. Unlike the others, Jarvis was raised then the Melungeons, and had known them all his life.
Jarvis agrees with everything Dr. Carlson says, except he said it in 1903. He says they came from new River, and later locations Carlson also mentions. He calls them the friendly Indians who came with the early settlers. He doesn’t mention Portuguese settlers.
Carlson says of Jarvis’ account (p. 403 of his dissertation); Not much commentary needs to be made of Jarvis rendition of the history of the Geasy Rock Indians, except that it closely correlates with the data independently gathered to inform the previous chapters of this ethnohistory. In other words, Melungeon history is not as mysterious as some writers now claim it to be. Yet among the hundreds of articles that would be written about the Tennessee Melungeons, Jarvis’ article would not be cited by another until 1989. . . . Subsequent writers would mostly continue to assert that the Greasy Rock Indians, and their relations living at Stone Mountain and Salyersville, in Eastern Kentucky, were actually the descendants of ancient Phoenicians, the lost colony of Roanoke, Juan Pardo’s lost soldiers, Portuguese pirates, and/or even the lost tribe of Israel.
Carlson continues to discuss all the misleading articles as harmful. On p. 406; “In 1965, Bar noted that the Indians around Greasy Rock resented being called ‘Melungeons’,, as well as some of the articles being published concerning their society because they feel they are misleading and harmful.” . . . he continues, same page; “Writers throughout the century would come to the conclusion of what one visitor to the Grasy Rock community wrote in 1963, that ‘both the Melungeons and non-Melungeons of the Hancock County region resent much of what has been published concerning them’.”
I suspect that’s true to this day. It s interesting to note that the Portuguese argument existed only in the region of the country that had strong Jim Crow laws – and the Melungeon families later found in Ohio or Oklahoma don’t have this tradition of a “Portuguese” ancestor. Only families that lived in the Southeastern states that until recently denied the Civil Rights of African Americans, had to undergo the humiliating ordeal of being forced to prove they were NOT part African in courts of law, claimed Portuguese ancestry. This lends support to the notion that they sid they were Portuguese NOT because they were Portuguese, but rather so that their status as people who could vote and have all the rights available to Whites, would continue.

 

Thursday, May 9, 2013

Carlson V -- from Saponi to Melungeon, part 3



Carlson V -- from Saponi to Melungeon, part 3

By P. 149, by the 1790s, Carlson notes these Christian Saponi and their mixed blood relatives had learned to buy and sell land, to negotiate contracts, and for all intents and purposes were living pretty much like their White neighbors. He mentions by 1803 they are recorded buying land from White land owners rather than obtaining lands from the government. By the 1790s the non-Indian population in the region had increased so much that a new county was created, Ashe County, in Western North Carolina. On page 153-4 Carlson provides another list of surnames on the Virginia side of the New River– Collins, Gibson, Coles, Clonches, Nuckolls, and Perkins. He mentions some names that ar missing by the time of the 1800 census – with the surname Moore the only surname not previously mentioned. This notes a move from New River to the Clinch and Powell River Valleys.
On a personal note, my ancestor, Nevil Wayland Sr, and his family, moved from the Tyger River near Spartanburg in South Carolina to across the border in Western North Carolina in 1794 (probably in what is now Rutherford or Cleveland Counties), and were in Copper Creek next door to some Gibson families, in what later became Scott County, Virginia, by 1797. If our Nevil married a Cusiah/Keziah Gibson as we suspect, when and where would they have met? Since their first child was born about the late 1770s, and Nevil obtained his land near Spartanburg as bounty land for his service to South Carolina during the Revolutionary War, and since a record of his Christening (birth) exists at St John’s, in Cashel, County Tipperary, Ireland in 1745, there are gaps in what we know of him. We don’t know when he came to America or where he lived when he arrived on our shores. The first we hear of him in America is 1777-8 from South Carolina archived records of his service in the revolution, where he worked for the Quartermaster as a “wagoner, and a driver of horses and cattle to the troops on the Indian line” as a member of the “Spartan Regiment”, aka “Roebuck’s Regiment”. He did serve near Spartanburg which is just to the west of York County, where the Catawba reside to this day. Many Catawba served in South Carolina, but we do not know where he would have met his wife. Since we don’t know when or where he arrived in America, and his first child was born about the same time he is first recorded in the South Carolina militia, he must have met her before enlisting, and we know nothing of his life at that time.
Carlson ends chapter three by talking about the population of the New River Indian community growing through intermarriage with White families, and says (p. 155); “Politics and status were linked s being racially classified as ‘White’ or ‘fee colored’. . . while the ‘friendly Indians’of New River were being taxed as ‘Whites’for nearly 20 years, by 1800 North Carolina authorities reverted to placing them under the socially and economically restrictive political definition of ‘free colored.’”
One thing Carlson never covers is the African heritage of many of these families. DNA evidence says many of these families possess African heritage as well. My own autosomal DNA test discovered sub-Sahara African DNA in my genetic makeup. There is to this day a stigma associated with having sub-Sahara African heritage
Carlson’s forth chapter begins on page 156. It covers the migrations of these people from New River, to what he calls Stone Mountain, to Greasy Rock, and beyond the Cumberland Gap. This also covers the time when my known Wayland family lived in the Melungeon Community. I suspect my Kezziah’s family had lived with them much longer. I also suspect that it is through her that we get at least some, if not all, of our sub-Sahara African heritage.
On page 156 Carlson speaks of isolated Catawba families living upon the New and Yadkin River Valley’s, as they separated from the Catawba Nation and made their way as citizen Indians. He mentions the Snow family as one of these families, and also mentions Wilburn Waters. He discusses the Sizemores, Bunches and Hale’s.
Carlson quotes a James Woody of Laurel Springs, North Carolina, calling him an elderly White person (p. 157-158); “There used to be some full blood Indians that stayed up here in the woods, and when we were boys we would go to work in the mountains, occasionally two or three Indians would come out of the woods, and father would make us something to feed them. We could not understand one thing they said, and we did not know their names. There was not a word said as to what kind of Indians they were. I got acquainted with one enough to know that his name was Bill Hale. He stayed in the country a good long while. I do not think he was a full blood, but some of the others were. They stayed here a while – they seemed to stay in the woods. They just stayed here through some of the summer season. . .
Carlson speaks of these other families, saying they interacted with the Christian Saponi, they were separate from them. Also note the Christian Saponi spoke English very well, whereas of these other Indian families it was said, we could not understand one thing they said.
Carlson speaks of the Cherokee and Catawba, and an effort for the two tribes to live together under friendly terms. He says (p. 158); “. . . Back in 1734, the Cherokees made peace with the Virginia Tributary tribes, specifically, the ‘Saponi, Tuscarora, Nottaway and other Indians living among the English.” He speaks of several families thinking they were Cherokee. I however suspect they were Catawba. From p. 158-162 or thereabouts, he discusses these things.
I do have one other problem with Carlson’s paper. Throughout the document, he claims his own ancestors surnamed Cole and others, came from a Cherokee family. We all have a bias where our own family is concerned. I have a family story that we are related to Sequoyah through the Gist’s. My Aunt wrote me a letter saying my great great-grandma was a “niece or great niece” of Sequoyah, according to family tradition. But we cannot prove it. I so WANT to believe it! I will have a personal bias pertaining to MY family that I will not have towards the families of others. But without documented proof, I can’t come out and say it is a fact! We have evidence, but not proof. This is one reason I get so mad at these people online who say they descend from so and so and they have no proof of it. They should be saying the same thing I say – that is, they have evidence, but not proof.
I will give credit to Dr. Carlson, in that there is a place where he mentions this in his dissertation. On page 161 he says; Complicating matters of tribal identification and assertions, this researcher has strong suspicions that the Indian Andersons tied to the Coles and Sizemores were origionally a Catawba affiliated family before settling down in the Cherokee Nation. . . .” Now the next part is very important. Carlton says; “It is well documented that a significant number of Catawba intermarried, were adopted, or otherwise were relocating from their residences in the Carolinas to the Eastern part of the Cherokee lands by that nation’s permission from the late 1700s up until at least the 1840s.” He provides four references –Finger (1984), Mooney (1894, 1900), Thornton (1990), and Swanton (1946). In my own personal opinion, and I might be wrong, it is these Catawba who migrated westwards who perhaps are responsible for the many records that their ancestors were Cherokee rather than Catawba/Saponi/Saura. My Gist’s might have been Catawba rather than Cherokee. Maybe the same is true of others who honestly think they have Cherokee heritage, but according to the Cherokee – NO THEY DON’T! So this is a haggling point that we may never resolve.
When Lewis Jarvis wrote that when some of the Whites and the“friendly Indians” built Fort Blackmore, Carlson says he doesn’t know if these were the “Christian Saponi” or not. But it is certain that within twenty years these Christian Saponi moved to Stoney Creek (where Fort Blackmore was located), and they were still living there when Jarvis wrote that article in 1903.
Of the New River Indians (p. 178-182), only a few remained by 1800. Joel Gibson was said to have left in 1805. George Collins claim o his lands were questioned in 1809, and he stated that he first came to that are in 1769. By 1810 he was on the Grayson County Tax list. By 1820 few families remained. Carlson mentions the Williams, Riddle and Sizemore families still residing there. By 1830 many of these families were in the “Greasy Rock” area. He speaks of the Sizemores going to Pilot and White Top Mountains. Other surnames associated with the Sizemore’s are Perkins, Baldwin and Blevins.
Carlson then reports about some movement for these families to remove to Indian Territory/Oklahoma. Such stories are of great interest to me, as this is where my family relocated to.
Carlson says “. . .In 1896, J. W. Perkins and John Baldwin again petitioned the Federal Government as well as the Cherokee Nation for permission to move as a body to Indian Territory, but the attempt failed.”
The following thoughts are my ramblings and were not discussed by Carlson. This is the same timeframe that Bain and Williamson were attempting to get the “Western Catawba Indian Tribe” federally recognized in Arkansas and Indian Territory (Oklahoma) where 257 individuals petitioned the federal government. Another record of this organization lists 4,000 members. I wonder if these two groups knew of each other’s attempts in the 1890s, one along the Oklahoma/Arkansas border and the other on the Southwest Virginia/North Carolina border? The Catawba in York County, South Carolina had also just petitioned the Cherokee, as well as the Chickasaw, for permission to settle amongst them, and were declined by both. A few Catawba were adopted by the Creek, Choctaw, and I am not sure about the Cherokee.
From a historic perspective, the Allotment Act had just been passed by Congress whereby all the Indian lands in Oklahoma were to be divided up into individual family allotments, with the excess sold off. The more land that was sold off, the more money the individual tribes would probably obtain from that sale. On the Cherokees behalf, they knew who was Cherokee and who wasn’t. It was a small tight knit community, only about fifteen thousand strong (this is my very wild guess, but they were few in number). When someone unknown says they are Cherokee, and no one in the community has ever heard of them, red flags are thrown. So when these families who had never, as far as anyone’s recollection, lived in the Cherokee Nation, the Cherokee didn’t believe them. They thought these people just wanted free Indian lands. Maybe a trip to Oklahoma and a visit with local tribal leaders would have helped the situation, I don’t know. It didn’t help the Western Catawba organization.
Remember, these groups had to have the approval of the federal Government, as well. Remember they wanted lands to settle on, too, and since they had been living as Whites, the government decided they had already assimilated, why run the risk they’d revert back? Again this is just my guess. So the tribes didn’t want to share their lands with descendants of the Catawba, Saponi and Saura, and the government wanted ALL THE INDANS to assimilate, and gradually disappear, as these Eastern Siouans were in the process of doing.
So these attempts were doomed to failure, from the start.
Although there is quite a bit more from Carlson, I will report only a small part of it. He speaks of families going to McGoffin County, Kentucky, and finally to Carmel, Ohio where they are called “Carmel Indians”. If you are interested in these sections please write me and I will cover it further. vhawkins1952@msn.com. Carlson also discusses his opinion of those stories of the Melungeons being “Portuguese” – I WILL cover ALL of that! J He also speaks of a migration of some of his Kentucky and Ohio families trying to come to Oklahoma. I will also see what he has on that topic, and likely will write about it as well.
I will also create a short index of the sources Carlson uses from the sections that I have transcribed. This will be boring and time consuming, but it is VERY necessary. I have always been willing to share my research believing the more informed we are the more educated, the fewer people will be willing to accept tall tales that make for interesting reading, but have little basis in fact. Each of these five reports covers a four hour period on my part of reading, transcribing, and editing. So it has taken me a minimum of 20 hours to cover these things from Carlson’s excellent dissertation. This is a difficult task for someone already working 45-50 hours every week, so I have been getting up at 3 in the morning on many days in the last 2 or 3 weeks. I just don’t have the time I wish I had to perfect these writings in detail. I have too many bills. Please forgive the typos, et cetera. Eventually I’ll get the time, if I live that long.
Well it’s already 8 am – getting late on me – have work to do.