Saturday, July 19, 2014

Sequoyah's Last Days

THE STORY OF SEQUOYAH'S LAST DAYS

I remember as a child there was an elderly man, a Mr. Estes, who lived across the street. He was a sort of a local historian, and I remember him talking about finding old beads and other things just west of the town of Warren in Northern Jackson County, not far from the North Fork of the Red. He said there used to be an old trading post there. Then when I read about this narrative of Sequoyah's last days it mentions a 'Warren's Trading Post'. I have wondered for years if the two were one and the same. I also wondered if they had confused Cache Creek for the North Fork of the Red. I have finally looked into it the last 2 or 3 weeks. As with most of my research, it is disappointing. They appear to be two different places. But also as with much of my research, what I find is still very interesting.

 The story of Sequoyah's last trip to Mexico in 1842 was told by the Worm. William P. Ross was at editor of the Cherokee Nation newspaper, The Cherokee Advocate. He was a nephew to Chief John Ross (1).

This article was reproduced in “Chronicles of Oklahoma” under the title 'The Story of Sequoyah's Last Days' in March 1934, Vol. 12, no. 1. Much of that reproduction is below. There is a map (8) in the notes section at the end of this report. Unfortunately #'s 8 and 9 are out of order. I hope to put them in the correct order soon.

The Narrative of Oo-Chee-Ah (The Worm)

Sequoyah came to my house in the spring of 1842, to give me notice that, the next time he visited my house, he would tell me for what purpose he should want me to be with him. After this notification, he went to the neighborhood of Park Hill; and, on returning, came to my house after dark and spent the night with me. The next morning he addressed me, saying:—"We are good friends. You are well acquainted with the country and homes of the different western tribes. I wish to travel amongst them and am desirous that you shall go with me, by all means. In three days, we shall start." The day after the visit, I went to his house, some eight miles off; when he asked me, if I felt willing to go with him, and were preparing to start? I replied that I was willing to go, but did not wish to start until I could get my gun lock fixed, as it was out of order. He told me not to mind about the gun, but just to bring my horse, saddle and bridle, and that he would furnish me with a gun and other things for traveling. He admonished me to say nothing about whither I was going, but if asked, simply to reply, on a visit. Shortly after this we started, went to Park Hill, where we spent some days with Archibald Campbell. At Park Hill, he procured for me a gun and other things, from Mr. Lewis Ross (2).

We pursued our journey, and crossed the Arkansas a short distance below Fort Gibson. There were nine in company with three pack horses, to-wit: George Guess, his son, Tesa Guess, myself, John Elijah, Oo-wo-so-ti, Cah-ta-ta, Nu-wo-ta-na, Talla-too, and Co-tes-ka, a youth.

After crossing the Arkansas, Sequoyah said, as we have to travel through a wilderness country where there are no roads or paths, and as you are well acquainted with the country, I wish you take the lead, and go the most direct route to the tribes living on Red River. This I did. After traveling beyond Little River, we struck a road leading to Red River, which we kept, with occasional intermissions in circuitous places, for fifteen days before coming to the latter River, traveling at a moderate pace through the prairies. Across Red River, Sequoyah said, "Now that we are in good hunting grounds, we will travel on, stopping a day, or two, now and then, to hunt;" and inquired where was the nearest Indian village? I pointed to the west, and told him it was some distance. He requested me then to inform him where good water could be found, that he and the rest of the company could stay at, until myself and two of the young men could visit the village. This I did; and was absent twelve days in visiting the villages, where I found Wacoes, Caddoes and Wichetaws, the principal inhabitants; Echa-sis, Hi-ye-ni-his, Nuntagoos, who are living in neighboring villages, but speak different languages. (3)

Comment on the Narrative

Hasanai is a Caddoan band, and it is possible the Hiyenihi's are the same people I found a reference where it said some Caddo moved to Indian Territory that the government had created North of Red River. That's a stretch, though.

I have found a reference mentioning the Keechi at the mouth of Cache Creek. It is known the Wichita proper were at Devils Canyon, with the North Fork of Red River to their west and the Quartz Mountains to their east. Most Indian Villages were at locations that could be easily defended. And with the Mountain on one side and the river on the other, they would have time to defend themselves, meaning they had a wise Principle chief. However this is a location far from the mouth of Cache Creek.

But those other tribal towns mentioned by the Worm, I am afraid to say I have never heard of them in any other reference. Who were the Echasis, the Hi-ye-ni-his, and the Nuntagoos? I am just getting to know some people at the Oklahoma Historical Society, so I will ask around. Nuntagoo—A-nun-da-go – A-na-dar-ko? At this website – http://digital.library.okstate.edu/encyclopedia/entries/A/AN001.html – they are called “Nadaco” and today are a part of the Caddo Nation. Na-da-co<=> Nunt-a-goo => the two are very similar. (4) I suspect these Indians along the Cache Creek might have been partially Caddoan, and perhaps Wichitan as well, mixed together. They might have been spread from Cache Creek all the way to the North Fork of the Red in the Quartz Mountain area.

Back to the Narrative of the Worm

By these Indians we were well treated. The object in visiting them was to ascertain, at Sequoyah's request, whether there were any Cherokees among them, or near by, from Mexico. The village spoken of was the Wichetaw village—crossed Red River just below the mouth of Cache Creek. We found no Cherokees living among the Wichitaws, but learned that some were living on the Washitaw (9). On our return, we arrived at the camp late in the day, and found Sequoyah very sick; he sat up that evening and addressed me, saying, "My friend, I am sorry that on getting back you find me in this situation; I have been sick and eat nothing for eight days, as we have nothing that suits my taste. I hope, my friend, you will procure something that I can eat." His son then asked him if he would eat, offering him some honey and venison, of which they had an abundance, but these he declined, wanting bread, but there was none. I then gave him some wild plums, which I had gathered on my return.— Of these he ate freely and felt refreshed. It was now night.

Comment on Narrative

Sequoyah was clearly dying. He had not eaten for 8 days. He didn't want venison or wild honey, but he would eat wild plums. I would like for a professional doctor to read these things and determine what was the cause of his illness.

Back to the Worm's Narrative

I determined to start the next morning and return to the Wichetaw village, four days' travel distant, to procure bread and other things, if possible, that the old man could eat. Observing me make ready, he enquired if I were going back to the village? and when informed of my determination to do so, approved the plan and requested that I should go and return in my former route; as he and the rest of the company would follow on, if he should be able to ride, and we should thus meet some sooner again. While sick, and at other times, when not traveling, he was constantly writing. On the morning of the fifth day after leaving Sequoyah, the second time, myself and company arrived at the Wichetaw village, where we bought about three bushels of corn at three dollars per bushel, packed it on our horses and immediately started back. On the evening of the third day of our return, my horse gave out, but fortunately, we met Sequoyah and party. It was then determined to encamp, and hunting up a shady place with good water, a fire was immediately made and the men began to prepare some food, which he was very impatient to obtain. He ate freely of bread, honey, and a kind of hominy. After eating he felt much refreshed, requested a pipe and some tobacco; smoked, expressed himself much better and then requested to lie down, that he might stretch his weary limbs for rest. I took a seat close by him and inquired what was his complaint. He replied, that he had been taken with a pain in the breast, which extended to different parts of his body, but that he felt so much refreshed from eating, he thought he should now soon get well, by the aid of diet. Feeling so well that evening, and wishing to continue on to the village, as some of the company were anxious to buy horses, he proposed to rest the next day at this camp and on the day following, go forward to some water course, where we should spend a couple of days—thinking by this time he would be able to travel. It was his purpose not to remain long among the Wichetaws, but to return to the timbered country, where we could hunt.

Comment on the Narrative

It says Sequoyah had some chest pains that extended to other parts of his body. Maybe a heart attack or congestive heart failure? The Worm keeps calling him “the old man”. He was clearly elderly and in poor health.

I am at conflict here. The narrative keeps calling these Indians the Wichita. Sequoyah's son Teesee had lived with the Texas Cherokee, and they lived next to the Caddo, and Teesee was along with his father, Sequoyah. He woyuld NOT have confused the Wichita with the Caddo. To my knowledge, the Wichita Village was 40-50 miles to the west, and as further miles north of the mouth of Cache Creek. Were these the Keechi? Was there a second Wichita Village?

Back to the Narrative

After the expiration of the time allowed above for rest, he hurried on, that he might soon return, to the hunting grounds—his health continued to improve. On the second morning after the meeting noticed above, the company left the camp, traveled part of a day—came to a water course, where we encamped two nights and a day, and then set out for the village, at which we arrived, after travelling nearly three days. We came to the village of the Echasi, in the neighborhood of the other villages. Soon after arriving and encamping, the head man of the Echasi, called by the Cherokees, Oo-till-ka, or the man who has a feather in his head, came to the camp, met us as his friends, said that he was very sorry to find the old man so sick, and that he would take him to his lodge, where he could take care of him. He would not talk much to him, for fear of wearying him while sick, but busied himself in providing such nourishing food as he could eat. This chief is very kind to all strangers. The next morning after breakfast, the Chief told the company to visit any of the villages, as if at home, without ceremony, and to buy such things as they wished. This they did, visited all the villages and did not return until late in the evening. The following morning after breakfast awhile, a messenger arrived from the Chief of the most remote village, that of the Wichetaws, 4 miles off, inviting the company to his lodge, as he should have something for them to eat. His invitation was accepted and the company, excepting myself and young Guess, who stayed with the old man, accompanied back the messenger, and spent the day with the Wichetaws. About noon of this day, Sequoyah became much better and requested that the Chief with whom he was staying, might come into the lodge set apart for him. Oo-till-ka did so, took a seat near by where Sequoyah was seated, and said to him: "I am glad to see you in my lodge. I am friendly with all of the tribes north of me, and meet them always as friends. I am glad to inform you that though, all these tribes were once at war against each other, they have made treaties of peace and now hold each other so firmly by the hand that nothing can separate them." He said further, that, on the day previous, he and the principal men of the six neighboring villages, had met together and he was glad to have an opportunity, now, to converse a little with him upon those things about which they had met in council—which were concerning the peace and friendship existing between the different tribes; but as they had no good interpreter, what had already passed was as much as they could expect. Sequoyah seemed to be very weak, he proposed that he should lie down again and rest, which he did.

Then a messenger came to Oo-till-ka, to inform him of the arrival, at a neighboring village, of a Texan runner, inviting them to meet the Texans in council, near the Waco old-village.—The Chief then told Sequoyah that he would talk more with him in the morning, when he was stronger, but would now go to see the Texan. He left. Sequoyah continued laying until evening, (the chief not having yet returned,) when he again set up.

Comment on the Narrative

Sequoyah's visit occurred while the Anadarko were living north of Red River. They were clearly Caddoan, then. It mentions six villages, Echasi being the one that Sequoyah got to know the best. I have found little more about the Esachi that this comment by the Worm. I will keep looking.

Back to the Narrative

Sequoyah then inquired of me whether I did not think it would be better for the young men of our company, to return, as they might become sick by remaining in the village? I replied that I should agree in his opinions.

The next morning Sequoyah said to our company, "My friends, we are a long way from our homes; I am very sick, and may long remain so before I recover. To-morrow therefore, I wish you all to return home, but my son and Worm, who will journey on with me. I wish you to consent to my proposal; for should we all continue on and some of you be taken sick, it will not be within our power to give such proper attention." To this request they acceded, and took leave. Sequoyah, his son and myself, then prepared to resume our journey, which we did after Sequoyah had talked a little with the Chief, Oo-till-ka, and made him some presents of tobacco and other small articles.

At the instance of Sequoyah, we took our former route, on the sixth day arrived at the place selected by him as a camping ground, where we spent four days in hunting and then went on until we came to a water course, at which Sequoyah wished to rest some days for the purpose of bathing himself and that a supply of honey might be obtained. He said, at this place, that his health was improving, but he was afflicted still with pains, and a cough, which had the effect to weaken him. After four days' rest, we made ready to start; He then said to me, "My friend, we are here, in the wilderness; do not get tired of me, I desire to reach the Mexican country. You know the course." Being assured of my willingness to go with him, he requested me to take the course—which I did. Travelling on five days more, he again said to us, "You will not get tired of me, altho' sick? If I die you can do what seems best, but while alive be guided by me." Continuing on for ten days, we came to a water course, where we rested four days. A few days after, while encamped on a river, the report of guns was heard and then a drum. In descending the river to discover who were so near us, we came upon a road along which some persons had just passed. When apprised of this, Sequoyah determined to follow on the next morning, and overtake them.

We then took the road and when we overtook them, found them to be Shawnees, and with whom we encamped that night. The next morning, the Shawnees inquired of Sequoyah, where he was going? He replied, that he had a great anxiety to visit the country of the Mexicans, but should return in a short time. The Shawnees stated that they were on a hunting expedition, that he could proceed on his way and, if he found any thing interesting, they would be glad to hear it on his return. He then inquired of them the direction of the nearest Mexican towns, or villages? which they pointed out in the same course, Sequoyah remarked, that I had been pointing. We then started and travelled six days in succession, when we stopped—with the intention of hunting a few days, but the old man determined to proceed directly on until we came to a larger water course. We proceeded on until a while after sun up, and having crossed a mountain, we came to a small branch but passed on, till we reached a very beautiful, bubbling spring, where the company halted. While still mounted, a number of bees came to the spring, when Sequoyah said, "As we are neither runaways nor in such a hurry, but that we can stop and look for some honey;" and requested me to hand him some water.

We encamped at the spring—soon after pulling the saddles off our horses, Young Guess walked away a short distance, and found a bee tree. We spent two nights at this spring. The second night that we encamped there, some Tewockenee Indians came upon us, and stole all our horses; we pursued some distance and could probably have overtaken them, but were afraid to leave the old man long alone, and so returned to the camp. The next morning he requested us to take him to some safe hiding place; to secrete our effects in the tops of trees, and proceed straight to the village of the Tewockenees. After complying with the first part of his request, he altered his determination, and told us not to go in search of our horses which might be some time or other recovered, but to proceed directly to the Mexican settlements, where probably we could obtain other horses.

Comment on the Narrative

Sequoyah thought they were getting tired of following an old sick man, and asked his friend the Worm and is son Teesee only to remain with him. He had first travelled west to see if there were any Cherokee amongst the Indians on Red River. Finding none, he wants to go south to see if there are any Cherokees along the Mexican border. He comes across some Shawnee. Some 'Tewockenee” Indians stole their horses. That is a band of the Wichita, and it was said they were living on the Brazos at this time. They are usually called Tawakoni's. The Wichita's along and North of Red River had been friendly, but those in Texas stole from him. Some things don't change.

Back to the Narrative

We set out on foot in the evening, leaving the old man alone. Travelling on some four miles, Young Guess and myself came to a river called Mauluke, which could not be crossed. We ascended it some distance, until late in the evening and then encamped for the night: in the morning made a raft, crossed the river, proceeded that day a short distance, and again encamped. About noon, the day following, while eating, the reports of many guns were heard in the direction of our route. We immediately proceeded on at a rapid rate till we cleared the mountains and, coming to a prairie, saw the tracks of a wagon.—Here we halted and spent some time, I having advised my companion that we had perhaps, better not proceed to the town until towards night.

I felt convinced that we were lost, but was unwilling to express an indisposition to proceed on, lest my companion should consider me cowardly. We however, pushed on until we came within about one hundred yards of the town, when hearing a good deal of talking, we stopped and, listening, heard none but the Spanish language. Having turned around and walked back a short distance, we encamped for the night, determined not to go into the Fort until morning. This night we did not sleep much as the firing of guns was kept up throughout the night. The place was San Antonio. In the morning, proceeding into Town, we were not perceived by any one until we got in some distance, when we met with two soldiers, who came up, shook our hands friendly and requested us to follow them. We did so, until met by an officer who, inviting the soldiers and ourselves to follow him, conducted us around a considerable portion of San Antonio to a store, where the people were drinking. The officer having entered the store for a few seconds, told us to follow him to the quarters of the commanding officer, and informed us that we were then in a situation that we could do nothing, intimating that we were prisoners.

Upon entering the quarters of the commanding officer, he seated himself upon the opposite side of the room from that occupied by ourselves and the soldiers and others who crowded around us. Remaining silent for sometime, and then pacing the room to and fro, this officer at length, came to us and inquired, of what tribe we were, and when informed, declared that he did not at all like the Cherokees, because they had been, a short time previous warring against the Texans. When apprised, that we resided on the Arkansas, within the limits of the U. S., and that we wished to borrow horses, ours having been stolen by the Tewockenees, he repeated his dislike of the Cherokees, and said, he had no horses to lend, and that the Tewockenees and other tribes, some of whom were doubtless prowling about the neighborhood that day, had stolen many of their horses. He further inquired, whether we had any pass-ports? and when told none, said, they were necessary. To which it was replied, that we were ignorant of the fact, as we had frequently visited the towns and settlements of the whites in Arkansas, without ever having any demanded of us. We were also told by him that they would have fired upon and killed us had it not been for the caps on our heads, which alone saved us, as the neighboring tribes go with bare heads.

Sometime was spent in conversation with the officer, who became quite friendly, and gave us tobacco, pass-ports, and a very good axe, that we might bring thereafter a quantity of honey. He also admonished us to be on our guard, in going about the country, as there were many hostile persons among the wild tribes. We then parted.

In going through the town some of the women called and invited us to take something to eat, but we told them we could not, being in a great hurry—soon after leaving the town, met three or four soldiers, riding very sorry ponies, who also told us to be on the look out, as there were many Comanches about. After leaving them we began to travel pretty fast, and kept increasing our speed until we got into a run, and throwing away the borrowed axe—travelled a great distance that day, for fear that the Texans might intend to entrap or take some advantage of us.



Comment on the Narrative

They leave Sequoyah behind and arrive in San Antonio. They don't trust the Texan's, and flee the city for fear of them. They return to where they had left Sequoyah, where his health seems to be returning. By wearing hats, they save their lives from the Texans would have killed them, otherwise. The Plains Indians don't wear hats.



More of the Narrative

The day after leaving San Antonio, we arrived at the camp of Sequoyah, who was well and fast gaining strength. He then requested we should procure him a good supply of provisions, find a secure retreat and set out again, for the Mexican settlements to get horses. A safe retreat was found some three miles from the encampment, he was placed in it and a supply of honey and venison sufficient to last him twenty days procured. The secure retreat was in a cave, which seemed to be above high water; but in case that it should not be, there was a log which he could climb up easily to a more elevated place. Having placed him in this cave, we set out, and travelled on two days; on the third day, which was windy, just as we were approaching a cedar thicket, I happened to look behind, and saw three men coming upon us at full speed. We fell back upon a small patch of timber and threw down our packs for the purpose of defending ourselves; as they came near. I hailed them, and inquired in the Comanche language, if they were friends? They said they were, and immediately threw down their lances and arrows, and came up and shook hands with us, and said as we are friends we will sit down and smoke the pipe.

The Comanches then said, that when they first saw us they supposed us to be Texans by having on caps, but when they got nearer and saw feathers in them, they took us to be Shawnees or Delawares, and that had it not been for the feathers in our caps, they would have fired upon us. This was the second time that feathers in our caps had probably saved our lives—and they had just been placed there by young Guess, who had killed a turkey. After smoking, one of the Comanches returned for their women whom they had left, upon discovering our tracks. They then inquired where we were going, and when informed, said that our route would be very rough and mountainous; but as they were going there themselves, if well, we would all travel together, as they would be able to show us a nearer and better route. This we consented to and travelled with them three days; we then separated, and travelled fourteen consecutive days before reaching the frontier settlements of Mexico. Before reaching the town we came to a river that we could not cross and had to encamp. Not being aware whether we were near any habitations or not, it caused us so much anxiety that we could not sleep—when some time in the night we heard a drum.

In the morning we rose early, and there happening to be a turkey seated on a tree near by, young Guess shot it. This we hastily prepared and ate. Soon as this was over we attempted to cross the river, but could not; we then set about making a raft, but just as we had a couple of logs, a mounted Mexican appeared on the opposite bank—inquired who we were, and informed us that there was a ferry lower down. On arriving at the ferry we found the boat ready and a company of armed men in attendance.



Comment on the Narrative of the Worm

They return to Sequoyah's camp. Secure food and shelter for him, then continue to the Mexican border. Teesee, Sequoyah's son, kills a turkey and they eat it. They put turkey feathers in their hats. Later a troop of Comanche come upon them, and tell then they would have killed them for they wore hats and thought them to me Texan's. But as the Comanche's saw the feathers in their hats they decided not to kill them, thinking they to be Shawnee or Delaware. They agree to travel a while with the Comanche. After continuing with the Comanche for 3 days, they parted ways. They later come across a river that turns out to be the Rio Grande, the border between Texas and Mexico.



The Narrative of the Worm

After crossing, an officer informed us that he would go with us to the principal man of the town, which was about six miles distant; on reaching the town we observed many women washing, who as well as men and boys, immediately gathered around us, being entire strangers, and conducted us into the town. The officer stated the crowd was attracted by curiosity to see us as we were strangers; but had no intention to harm us. He conducted us to the head man of the place. We were led into the house of this man—the crowd that followed us and one that came meeting us, having stopped, at what we supposed to be the limits allowed them.

The town was small—the houses made of large brick—the people dressed in different kinds of costumes. The houses looked odd, being low with flat roofs. Many of the women were very pretty. Thirteen officers were present. Much time was spent in looking up an Interpreter, who was a Spaniard, that spoke English. Soon as the Interpreter came, the Officer inquired who we were? And being informed, said, he was glad to see us, and asked our notions and what object we had in view in visiting Mexico, and also if there were any news of importance from the Texans, whom, he said the Mexicans had a short time before defeated in battle, and taken some three hundred of them prisoners. Having satisfied him on these points, and given him to understand that we had not been dispatched to his town on any special business of a public nature, he expressed the pleasure it gave him and the other officers to see us, and insisted on our remaining that night in the town, as the day was too far gone for us to reach the Cherokee village, which he informed us, was some thirty miles distant. He then had us conducted to a lodging place in the quarters of some soldiers, telling us to call before leaving in the morning, to receive passports.

We remained some time in the house assigned us, and then took seats outside of it, to observe the people and the soldiery, and sentinels on duty. While thus passing away the time, a Mexican approached me silently and touched my back in order to attract my attention towards him. I looked around, and beheld, pierced through with a stick that he had in his hands, a couple of human ears, taken from one of four persons they had killed a short time before. An officer then came and requested us to walk about the town with him; we complied and followed him about for some time.—He conducted us, amongst other places, into a bake shop and into two or three houses, in each of which he gave us to drink of ardent spirits, which he called whisky, but which tasted very different from any we had ever before drunk. Before we had wandered much about the town, I felt lost, owing to the striking resemblance between its different parts. It being after the hour of twelve o'clock, there was but little business doing, as nearly all of the shops were closed. While yet rambling about the place, a soldier came, to request us to go back to our lodgings, upon reaching which we found the soldiers on parade, ready to march off a short distance. By invitation we joined them and kept along with them, until we came to a kind of public square, where there were a number of large kettles containing bread, beef and soup.

From these large pots the waiters served the officers, ourselves, and the soldiers in order, by taking up pieces of meat with a fork and giving it to us in our hands. What was given me I ate through politeness, but with some difficulty, so highly seasoned was it with pepper, some of which I was so unfortunate as to get into my eyes. Early the next morning we met with a man who spoke English, and who conducted us to a place where we obtained a breakfast that an Indian could eat and without cost, for the man who gave it to us said that he could not be behind the Cherokees; he had been much among them without any expense, he could not therefore charge us; but hoped that we would take our meals with him while we remained there.

One last thing. They speak of a drink he says, that the Mexican called 'whiskey', as though he wouldn't have called it whiskey. I suspect it was Taquilla.

More Comments on the Narrative of the Worm

Mexican soldiers traveled with them into Mexico, wanting to know who they were. They told them they were Cherokee and the Mexican's told them of a nearby Cherokee community. Interestingly they say the Mexican people wore a different kind of clothing, and also say the women were very pretty. The clincher is that he ate Mexican food 'out of politeness' saying the food was highly seasoned . .. and he had the misfortune to get some of it into his eyes. He said the next day someone took him to a place where there was a breakfast that an Indian could eat for free. Earlier the Cherokee had fed him and he returned the favor by feeding them for free.

The Narrative of the Worm

This day, we remained in town, but having passports, left the following morning, in company with a Mexican, who went with us to a town called by the Mexicans, "San Cranto," some thirty miles distant. Upon arriving at San Cranto, we were informed that there were a couple of Cherokees in the place, but thinking it would be difficult to find them, we went with our Mexican companion to the house of his brother where we spent the night and by good luck met with our countryman. It gave us great pleasure to see this man, whose name is Standing Rock. He answered a great many questions, and assured us that it would give the Cherokees in Mexico great joy to see their brothers among them, and proposed to accompany us forthwith to their village, about ten miles distant. About seven miles from San Cranto we passed through a small settlement of runaway negroes, some two or three of whom I met with spoke the Cherokee language. Three miles further we arrived at the Cherokee village, situated within a large prairie, in a grove of timber, half a mile wide, and some three miles long, and watered by means of a ditch, from a large spring, some two miles distant.

Our brothers were very glad to see us, and gave us a warm welcome to their little village. Being soon apprised that we came to obtain assistance, to convey in the aged Sequoyah, who was very anxious to visit them, they declared their readiness to afford us company, but could not furnish any horses, as all of their's, save those that were very poor, had died, since they went into Mexico. They, however, promised to borrow some of the horses belonging to the Mexican army, at a neighboring town. But there being none, the commanding officer referred us back to San Cranto, to which place we returned, after two day's resting with the Cherokees. The officer there could lend us but one horse, the others having been taken off a few days before, to some other post, but supplied us, without solicitation, with bread, meat, salt, sugar and coffee, for the journey. The company then, consisting of nine persons, immediately set off with the borrowed horse—crossed the river again at the ferry, and after constant travelling, on the seventeenth night, camped within a few miles of Sequoyah's cave. Much solicitude was felt by us, for the safety of the old man, as we saw much "sign" of the wild Indians on our way. Three men were accordingly sent on in advance, to the Cave, with provisions to relieve his wants, if still alive, and in need.

Mau-luke, we crossed on a raft. Shortly after passing over a very rocky country, we came upon a trail made by wild cattle and horses through a cedar thicket, and along which we discovered the tracks of a man, going in a different direction from ours. These tracks we soon discovered to be those of Sequoyah, from the fact of his being lame. This caused myself and another of the company to hasten to the cave, and gave us no little anxiety, as we discovered that several persons had been but recently along our way.

Arriving at the cave, we met with our advance company, and discovered a log of wood leaning against a tree, and a letter bound to one of its limbs. The Letter was written by Sequoyah in his own native language, and informed us that, after being left alone, he had met with misfortune—the water having rose very high, drove him from his retreat and swept away his store of provisions and almost every thing else; that, under these circumstances he had determined to pursue his journey; that if not too long absent we would be able to find him, as he would fire the grass along his way and the smoke would arise, and that he hoped, although out of provisions, to be able to support life until overtaken by us, as he had cut off meat from the heads of some deer skins. He had no gun, although persuaded to take one when setting out, but relied upon our rifles. We had now great hope of soon overtaking him, as he had been gone but four days. After reading the letter, we immediately started in pursuit, tracked him to the Mauluke, which he had crossed on a raft.

We left this camp and returned to our companions—tracked him to the river, saw where he had sat down, followed down the river and came to a raft he had crossed on; we crossed at the same place, came to one of his former camping grounds, and saw where a horse had been tied; feeling confident that he must have obtained a horse by some means or other, we followed on very fast to another camping ground, where we saw bones, which assured us that he had obtained food likewise. There were many speculations, how he had come by the horse and provisions, some surmising one thing and some another.—From the constant rapidity with which we pushed on, and our long journey, the Mexican horse as well as myself began to get tired; I then selected two men, and sent them ahead, while the rest encamped for the night. The two men kept on until night coming on, they lost his track near a creek, but did not stop, hoping to discover a light. They however passed by his camp, as they supposed from the appearance of the sign late in the evening, and returned. In passing near the river, they heard a horse neigh, and then penetrating into the centre of a thicket in the forks of the river, found him seated by a lonely fire. He was greatly rejoiced to meet them. One of the men remained with him while the other returned, and conducted us next evening to his camp. He expressed the great happiness our return gave him; and said that his mind was relieved of much anxiety, as he had suffered much from sickness, and his lonely situation—fearing that his son and myself had either met with some accident or been killed.

Again expressing the happiness our return gave him, he observed, that, for two days past, he had as much provision as desired, and that we must have remarked his mode of travelling, which was brought about under the following circumstances. While engaged, he said, in making a raft to cross the Mauluke, that he might continue on towards Mexico, he suddenly took a notion that he would walk to the summit of a neighboring hill. Throwing down his tomahawk, he started up the hill, and just as the top was gained, to his great surprise, he came close upon three men, who quickly halting, one of them declared themselves to be "Delawares," and to which he replied, "I am a Cherokee." They camped with him that night, and gave him some of their victuals and partook of his honey. In the morning, the Delawares said to him, "Come, let us now return to our own villages, we will take you to your own door." He replied, "No, I have sent forward two young men to the Mexican country, whom I shortly expect back; I am anxious to visit that country. Go with me there. We will shortly return to our own country." Finding that they could not agree, the Delawares said, that they would remain with him until they killed for him some meat, which they did. While they were hunting, he wrote a letter for them to convey home. Being aged and crippled, the Delawares, when about to part with him, generously gave him a horse to ride.

"Such," said Sequoyah, "was the way he came by the horse"—and that he would now tell us what happened to him at the cave.

The twelfth night after we left, the rain poured down and the water came into his cave. He placed all his effects upon a rock in the cave which the water soon surrounded and forced him on a large log. This in turn being moved by the water, he climbed the log, which his son and myself had leaned against the side of the cave and sought refuge in the ledge of the rock—having abandoned every thing but a couple of blankets he tied around him; his flint, steel, and spunk (5) and a few small articles that he could get into his pockets. From the ledge of rocks he succeeded in making his way out of the cave and ascending to the top of the hill, where he spent the night under a tree and in unceasing rain. In the morning, finding a dry place, he kindled a fire, by which he warmed himself and dried his clothing, and then went to look at his former home, but found it still covered with water.

Two days after, he again returned and found that everything had been swept away. But following down the branch he found his saddle bags, around a little tree, from which he recovered all his papers and other things, and also a tent and three blankets; and on the day following a brass kettle. After this he made no further search—giving up all for lost; but even felt glad to escape as well as he did, especially with his life which he said was far more precious than aught else. The water having swept away his supply of food, he was now left entirely without, and when he could get nothing else, lived on what little flesh he could shave off from the skins of deer killed by us before leaving. During the greater part of the time however, he ate nothing but wild honey, which he obtained from a couple of large trees, that he fortunately discovered and fell at the expense of repeated efforts, with a small tomahawk. His health had not been good, but such he said, as would have confined almost any one to his bed. For each day that we were absent, before leaving his cave, he cut a notch in a large oak tree.

We remained four or five days at the camp, where we found Sequoyah and in the vicinity, until a stock of provision was killed, and then resumed our journey, and after travelling sixteen days forded the river mentioned before, near the Mexican village. In a few days more, halting along for a short time at the different towns, where Sequoyah received the kindest hospitality from the Mexicans, the company arrived at the Cherokee Village.

Comment

San Crato was probably a corruption of San Fernando. After meeting the Mexican Cherokee, they returned to get Sequoyah. While they had been gone, a great flood destroyed Sequoyah's camp. After many hardships, he came upon some Delaware Indians, who had fed and cared for him.

Notice he saved his flint, steel and spunk, his gear for starting fire. (5) Sequoyah's friends found, save because of the help of the Delaware, and they were received in a friendly manner by the Mexican people.

The End of the Narrative

The Worm spent sometime with the Cherokees and then returned, at the solicitation of Sequoyah, with a party of Caddoes, to the Wichetaw town to recover, if possible, the horses that had been stolen from them. He was unable to get them, and not meeting with any person going to Mexico, could not return early as expected. At length several Caddoes arrived from Mexico and brought tidings that Sequoyah was no more, which was soon confirmed by a party of Cherokees. The complaint that terminated his life, was the cough which had long afflicted him, combined perhaps, with some disease common in that country. His death was sudden—having been long confined to the house, he requested one day some food, and while it was preparing breathed his last.

(Copy)

Warren's Trading House, (6)
Red River, April 21st, 1845. )

We the undersigned Cherokees, direct from the Spanish dominions, do hereby certify that George Guess, of the Cherokee Nation, Arkansas, departed this life in the town of Sanfernando in the month of August 1843, and his son (Chusaleta) is at this time on the Brasos River, Texas, about 30 miles above the falls, and intends returning home this fall.

Given under our hands day and date above written.

(Signed) Standing Rock, his x mark
Standing Bowles, his x mark
Watch Justice, his x mark

Witness:
Daniel G. Watson,
Jesse Chisholm (7)

Comment

Of the signatures above, Standing Rock was one of the Cherokee found n Mexico. Standing Bowles was obviously a descendant of Duwali, also known as The Bowl or Bowles, the head of the Texas Cherokee, killed when the Texans attacked them in 1839. Bowles had attacked some travelers at Muscle Shoals about 1794, and fled westward to the Missouri boot heel. After an earthquake in 1822, they fled to the south shore of the Arkansas River. Once the treaty of 1818 was signed he was going to have to move again to the north side of the Arkansas River. Rather than do this, he fled south of the red River into Mexican controlled Texas. When the Texan's won their independence from Mexico, they evicted the Texas Cherokee after Lamar was made governor once Sam Houston left office. Notice the name of Jessee Chisholm, grandson of john Chisholm and mixed blood Cherokee. The Chisholm Cattle Trail was named after him.

Notes

(1) http://digital.library.okstate.edu/chronicles/v015/v015p021.html

John Golden Ross, who was of no blood relation to Chief John Ross of the Cherokees, was born in Scotland on December 23, 1787. When a mere lad, his parents, with young John and his sister, embarked from Scotland for America to establish a new home. While en route, a violent storm arose at sea, during which the father was swept overboard into the sea and was never seen again. The frantic mother collapsed and died from the shock, leaving the two children to the care of strangers. The ship's captain brought the orphans into port at Baltimore where a kind-hearted citizen gave them a home. The sister died shortly thereafter but John Golden Ross grew to young manhood in Baltimore where he attended school and became a cabinet maker. Early in life, he struck out for himself, went south and located in Tennessee in the country of the Cherokee Indians. The young Scotchman served as a rifleman in Gen. Jackson's Tennessee militia in the Creek war of 1813-14 and fought with "Old Hickory" at New Orleans in January, 1815. Upon the conclusion of the war, he returned to Tennessee where, in 1819, he married Eliza Ross, a sister of John Ross, later to become chief of the Cherokees. .

He was very much esteemed by all who knew him. His business operations were quite successful and he enjoyed the comforts of a fine home at Park Hill.

William Potter Ross, eldest son of John Golden and Eliza Ross, was born at the base of Lookout Mountain, on the Tennessee river, some seven miles south of Chattanooga, Tennessee, on August 20, 1820.

(2) Lewis Ross was Chief John Ross' brother. Archibald Campbell was born about 1788 and is buried in the Ross Cemetery in Park Hill (http://www.okgenweb.org/pioneer/ohs/campbellarch.html).

(3) I have tried in vain to discover the names of the tribes to which we are more familiar. Wichita bands today are the Wichita proper, the Tawakoni, Keechi, Waco. They call themselves Kitikiti’sh (Kirikirish), ] Among the tribes composing the confederacy, each of which probably spoke a slightly different dialect of the common language, we have the names of the Wichita proper (?), Tawehash (Tayovayas), Tawakoni (Tawakarchu), Waco, Yscani (is this Echasi?), Akwesh, Asidahetsh, Kishkat, Korishkitsu. A considerable parts of the Panimaha, or Skidi Pawnee, also appear to have lived with them about the middle of the 18th century, and in fact the Pawnee and Wichita tribes have almost always been on terms of close intimacy. It is possible that the Yscani of the earlier period may be the later Waco (Bolton). The only divisions now existing are the Wichita proper (possibly synonymous with Tawehash), Tawakoni, and Waco. To these may be added the incorporated Kichai remnant, of cognate but different language. Just previous to the annexation of Texas to the United States, about 1840-5, the Tawakoni and Waco resided chiefly on Brazos river, and were considered as belonging to Texas, while the Wichita proper (and the Kechi) resided north of Red river, in and north of the Wichita mountains, and were considered as belonging to the United States. According to the best estimates for about 1800, the Wichita proper constituted more than two-thirds of the whole body.

(4) The Anadarko (Nadaco) were an American Indian tribe indigenous to Texas and whose descendants are now members of the Caddo Nation of Oklahoma. Recognized as Kadohadacho or "the Caddo Proper" since the nineteenth century, an estimated 449 Anadarkos resided in Oklahoma, mostly in Caddo County, circa 1950. The Caddo County seat of Anadarko was named for the tribe.

Spaniards first reported the "Nondacao" in East Texas in 1542. By 1700 the tribe had joined the Hasinai, one of three Caddo "confederations" (the Kadohadacho and the Natchitoches were the others). While most Hasinai dwelled near the upper Neches and Angelina rivers, the Anadarko lived farther north along the Sabine River. All Caddo shared the same language and culture.

The Anadarko were located at the forks of the Trinity River when Texas independence was declared in 1836. Their unfriendly relations with the Republic of Texas culminated when Texas troops drove the Anadarko into Indian Territory (present Oklahoma) in winter 1838-39. The tribe returned to Texas in 1843 and settled on the Brazos River. After Texas statehood, in 1846 the United States negotiated a treaty with the tribes of that region. The Anadarko were represented by Iesh (José María), who had emerged as the principal Caddo leader. Hostilities continued, however, and the Anadarko were soon overrun by white settlers.

The Anadarko were placed on the Brazos Reservation near Fort Belknap, Texas, in 1854. They, along with the Waco, Tonkawa, and other tribes, were removed to the Indian Territory in 1859 and placed under the jurisdiction of the Wichita Agency in the Leased District. Following the death of the pro-Confederate Iesh in 1862, most Anadarko fled to Kansas during the Civil War. They returned to the Wichita Agency in 1867 and were thereafter known as Caddo. The Wichita-Caddo reservation was established in 1872 and was allotted to 965 individuals, including 536 Caddos, in 1901. The Anadarko, Kadohadacho, and Hasinai formed the Caddo Indian Tribe of Oklahoma in 1938. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/encyclopedia/entries/A/AN001.html


These items were carried by everyone in those days to help get a fire started, per “History of Hanover Township” by Henry Plumb, page 230, R. Baur 1885.. Plumb wrote “Every man, and nearly every boy old enough carried in his pocket a flint and steel. . . . To make a fire, a piece of this spunk was held together with a flint. On the upper side of it, a piece of steel, made for this purpose about 3 or 4 inches long, a 16th of an inch or more in thickness, a half of an inch wide . . . was sharply struck a sliding blow against the edge of the flint as nar the spunk as possible to make the sparks fly . . .”

(6) More about Warren's Trading Post http://digital.library.okstate.edu/chronicles/v002/v002p129.html

Abel Warren – The first settler in the limits of the Kiowa-Comanche reservation as well as in the western half of the state of Oklahoma was Abel Warren. If any other person erected a building before Warren constructed his trading post at the mouth of Cache Creek, the historian has not advised us. This building was a combination affair, for residence, storeroom and fort. This Indian trading post was constructed in 1839 or 1840 . . .

This strong and sterling character was born in Northboro, Mass., near Boston, September 19, 1814. There he grew to young manhood with a fair education. The numerous and rich stories of the vast frontier of the western regions of the United States fired this comparative youth to definite action, beyond the conventional customs of a New England state. . . .

Young Warren eventually landed by boat at the frontier post of Fort Smith then in the Territory of Arkansas. It was in 1836 that this young man really started on his career, his heart full of hope and armed with a typical Yankee thrift that stood him in good stead. Being resourceful of mind and observing everything of interest that the scouts and Indian guides would inadvertently relate, he quickly conceived and carried out the idea that makes possible this story. . . .

Frontier trading posts with Indians had already been established on the Headwaters of the Missouri, Platte and Arkansas rivers. Warren conceived the idea of such an enterprise far up the Red River.

Easily gathering about him eager volunteers from the ranks of the many young adventurers who constantly visited a frontier town, as was Fort Smith at that time, Warren formed a caravan, with proper Indian guides and interpreters and set out in high spirits for whatever experience might confront them. . . . .

Whether, in locating his trading post, Warren explored Red River higher up the stream than Cache Creek is not known. Building timber could not have been found further west than this point. This was in the vicinity of the wild tribes, and the fine timber of lower Cache Creek made it a logical location for the enterprise. Also, in the "trade territory" of this post are the great number of other important timbered streams, as the Big Wichita, directly in view across Red River; the little Wichita and the Beaver Creeks. West Cache, Deep Red Run, the Washita River, Big Elk, Otter Creek, as well as the densely timbered uplands of Caddo County and the Wichita Mountains . . .

Warren had now been away from Massachusetts, and his faithful sweetheart, ten strenuous, lonely years. The fur trading post had prospered. Leaving the business in the hand of one believed trustworthy (it was early in 1846) he left this crude, but fascinating post and started over the long and circuitous route for Boston. . .

Eventually a letter came advising him that the custodian of the far distant store on the banks of Cache Creek had appropriated to himself everything at the post: all hides, furs, and stock had been carried away, sold for cash and the scoundrel had absconded.

(7) The following concepts can be found in “Jesse Chisholm, Ambassador of the Plains” by Stan Hoig,University of Oklahoma Press, in chapter six which discusses Sequoyah. They say Sequoyah had disappeared in 1842, and the Cherokee Nation was worried as to what had become of him. In March 1845 Jesse Chisholm was commissioned by the Cherokee Nation to try and discover what had becom of him. In this account, while the Cherokee were along Red River near cache Creek, and Sequoyah was very sick, they were helped by a friendly Keechai chief. The Echasi mentioned earlier in this account and the Keechai mentioned by Hoig must be the same people. They were a band of the Wichita. Hoig's book also explains why the Caddo abandoned their villages on cache Creek and why Able Warren abandoned his trading post about the same time. He says the Caddo had killed four Comanches. After this, the Caddo returned to Texas to be a little further from the Comanche hoping for some protection from the Texans. Since these Caddoes and lived near Warren's Trading Post, the Comanches demanded he abandon his trading post. Warren, after failing to get military support to protect him, abandoned the post. In those days, the 1840s, if the Comanche demanded you leave, if you were smart, you left.

Jesse's group discovered the fate of Sequoyah. Thus his name appears on the as a witness to the letter sent back to the Cherokee to tell them of the fate of Sequoyah.

(8) Click on the map to make it larger.
 
 
(9) There were Cherokee along the Washita River. I want to discover who they were, so I went looking. Stan Hoig said in "Jesse Chisholm, Ambassador of the Plains" that Dutch guided some men up the Red River to the Washita River in September of 1831 and Hoig produces some evidence Jesse Chisholm was amongst them. Jesse could later speak the Comanche language fluently. He states that Dutch wanted to return later and hunt along that river (the Washita) at some later time. Dutch was said by those who knew him to have been Sequoyah's brother. However in 1842 Sequoyah knew exactly where Dutch lived -- along what on today's map is called "Dutchess Creek", as people forget it was originally "Dutch's Creek". The article says 10 Cherokees were with Dutch. I suspect the Cherokee along the Washita in 1842 were a hunting party. He was hunting for Cherokee who'd moved west or south. Had this been part of an earlier migration westward, he surely would have asked the Worm and Teesee to take him to meet them, but this didn't happen. The Worm's account is so detailed he surely would have mentioned this encounter had it happened. There were always hunting camps though off somewhere in the woods or prairie I suspect, and apparently it didn't interest Sequoyah as much as travelling south into Texas and Mexico.


Sunday, May 11, 2014

What Tribe is the Eastern Blackfoot?


Eastern Blackfoot

So many people say their ancestors were “Eastern Blackfoot, or Blackfoot Cherokee Indian. Since there was no known tribe with either of those names, who were they?

A few years back (2006) something I'd written something and it was posted at the link below. I spent little time on it, so it isn't as organized as I wish it was. For a full transcript please visit the site itself. Others have written on the same topic. I have several opinions below.

http://nativeamericansofdelawarestate.com/OriginOfBlackfoot-DE.htm

Another theory of the origin of the term "Blackfoot"

A conversation initiated by Vance Hawkins, September 2006: an exchange of emails; 18 Sep 2006

From Vance Hawkins (see biographical note at bottom of page), 15 Sep 2006 --
This website http://www.graydovetrading.com/Nanticoke.html (now inoperative) clearly showed Nanticoke Indians in the location where "Blackfoot Town" was located on or near the Delaware/Maryland Border.

This website http://www.accessgenealogy.com/native/tribes/delaware/nanticokeindians.htm says – . . . the majority of the tribe [Nanticoke] , in company with remnants of the Mahican and Wappinger, emigrated to the west about 1784 and joined the Delaware in Ohio and Indiana, with whom they soon became incorporated, disappearing as a distinct tribe. Some mixed-bloods are said to live on Indian River, Delaware. . . .

So amongst the Delaware of Oklahoma are most Nanticoke Indians.
There was a "Blackfoot Church", where an early settler said it was named after Indians who lived nearby, is located in Pike County, and it borders Gibson County.

Please read the historical marker above. It says Blackfoot Church was named after a local Indian tribe. It was founded in the 1790s. What Indians were found there at the time? Let's find out.

The "History of Gibson County [Indiana]. by Gil Stormont, mentions (p 32 -37 or so) mentioned several algonquin tribes who lived in this part of Indiana. Altho it doesn't mention Delaware specifically, (I thought it did) -- all those mentioned are Alqonquin, including Shawnee. I recall a map I'd seen before showing Delaware in So. Indiana. This could account for the Blackfoot Town in So. Indiana as well as the MD/DE border.

There are references to Delaware living in this region on Miami lands. They asked permission and it was granted by the Miami.

http://www.statelib.lib.in.us/www/ihb/amerindians/findingsettlements.html

There was once a map at the link above. Fortunately, I copied and pasted it on my computer (Indiana map above). Notice the location of Delaware and Shawnee Indians in Southern Indiana near the Kentucky border, dated @ 1810. If you look at a map of Indiana, Pike County (which borders Gibson County) is in Southern Indiana and compare it to a map of where Indian tribes lived in Indiana. The "Blackfoot Church," was said to have been named after a tribe of Indians that lived nearby in the late 1790s when the church was first founded (see historical marker at the church above), is in Pike County. See how close the 2 Indian Shawnee/Delaware Villages are to Pike County, near the Southern tip of Indiana in 1810? So the only tribe in common to both locations -- one in Delaware/Maryland called Blackfoot Town/Dagsborough, and the other the Blackfoot Church in Pike County, Indiana -- is the Nanticoke, as it was said that the Nanticoke travelled west with the Delaware.

http://www.accessgenealogy.com/native/tribes/tutelohist.htm

But at the above website it says – [note: unfortunately I just looked, the website I was quoting is no longer there, either – I'll look for other references, and update when I have time.].

In 1722, through the efforts of the Colonial governments, peace was finally made between the Iroquois and the Virginia tribes. In consequence the Saponi and Tutelo some years later moved to the north and settled on the Susquehanna at Shamokin, Pa., under Iroquois protection, later moving up the river to Skogari. Their chiefs were allowed to sit in the great council of the Six Nations. In 1763 the two tribes, together with the Nanticoke and Conoy, numbered, according to Sir Wm. Johnson, 200 men, possibly 1,000 souls. In 1771 the Tutelo were settled on the east side of Cayuga inlet, about 3 miles from the south end of the lake, in a town called Coreorgonel, which was destroyed in 1779 by Gen. Sullivan. The last surviving full-blood Tutelo known was Nikonha, from whom Hale obtained the linguistic material by which he determined the relation of the tribe to the Siouan stock. He died in 1871.

The Tutelo also clearly are migrating to Canada, not Indiana with the Delaware, but the Delaware and Nanticoke at Shamokin DID migrate to Indiana and eventually to here in Oklahoma. That map clearly shows Nanticoke in Central Indiana but does not mention Tutelo.

Thosa known as “The Seneca of the Sandusky” can be prefectly traced and they migrated to Northeastern Oklahoma, and are a part of the Seneca-Cayoga Tribe of Northeastern Oklahoma, today. It was said of them there wasn't a Seneca amongst them. They were said to have been made up of remnant bands, mostly Algonquin, who had been subsidiary to the Seneca, and owned allegiance to the Six Nations through conquest by them. Since the Tutelo who went North were considered a conquered people there might have been some of them amongst them. But there is no record of them, if that wqas the case, in Indiana.

http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.com/~c1debbi/Mason/blackfootchurch2.htm

I just tried to enlarge this, and it wouldn't enlarge, unlike earlier posts! I don't know! You can see it at the link above, as well.
 

The above link is to that church in Indiana I mentioned. It says it was created in the 1790s The only Indians in the region at that time were Delaware/Miami/Shawnee.

In researching my family, one branch lived in Gibson County, Indiana from 1806 to 1844 when they went to Arkansas, and in 1872 to Indian Territory, aka Oklahoma, where we have remained. This is why I became interested in the history of that region.

I always admit I might be wrong -- whatever I say is free for anyone to share however they like.

DAGSBOROUGH VILLAGE is located on that part of "Dagworthy’s Conquest" taken up by General John Dagworthy, from whom it derived its name. In deeds recorded previous to 1785, it is mentioned "as the place formerly called Blackfoot town, but now Dagsbury."

Blackfoot Indians, Another View

From

http://nativeamericansofdelawarestate.com/blackfoot.htm

Another opinion mentions a location and people called Indian River Indians. Some background information about Blackfoot Town by Dick Carter, chairman of the Delaware Heritage Commission:

From Dick Carter 16 Mar 2008

Subject: Sussex County's Native American community

Dick Carter says (dated 2008) “ I have to say that, although I am in no position to dispute it, I've never seen an authoritative primary source proving that the "Blackfoot Town" moniker was in fact used in the early 18th Century.” Immediately after saying this, he continues to write and say that he thinks it was called Blackfoot Town because early setters were walking through the swamp. He says “that the area between what is now Dagsboro and the Great Cypress Swamp was then far muddier than today (before drainage ditches had become common) and the mud was black. So if you walked around in it, you got black feet. I do dispute the theory, which I've also heard from time to time, that there was some connection between the "Blackfoot Town" designation and the "Blackfoot Indians", which I gather were a small sub-tribal group of the Teton Sioux who entered the historical record of the American West somewhere in the mid-19th Century and are said to have gotten their name from the fact that they wore black moccasins.” So apparently there was a Blackfoot Town then, near Dagsborough, but he suggests that it was so named later in time, and that the term “Blackfoot Town” might not have been used before the majority of the original peoples, the Nantecoke and their allies, migrated westward with the Delaware.

So Blookfoot Town might have been named as it was simply because people walking in the area got their feet muddy when walking in the area. That is possible.

Blackfoot Cherokee

There are a great many people who think their ancestors were called “Blackfoot-Cherokee” Indians. Historically, there is no record of such people ever existing. Why then, are there so many people who have family stories of their ancestors being called “Blackfoot-Cherokee? So here I am, in search of the Blackfoot Cherokee. Here is one idea:

http://www.darkfiber.com/blackirish/cherokeeblackfoot.html

Back in 1991 i moved to Chattanooga from Minneapolis. Two years later i was invited to join in the founding and development of the Chattanooga InterTribal Association (CITA). Recently (ca.1997) an education graduate student at the local university told me that there was a local 'tribe' of Cherokee and Blackfoot over in the Cleveland, Tennessee area. I was amazed, given that the Blackfeet are a tribe from the Montana and Alberta, Canada area and the Cherokee from the Tennessee, Georgia and Carolinas area, and that these two very different Native nationalities were represented down here about 40 miles northeast of Chattanooga.

This was not the first time i had heard of this mix: back around 1994 a member of CITA had said that he was Cherokee&Blackfoot. I was puzzled by the fact that these two nations are separated by over 2,000 miles and at least ten Native nations in between (not to mention the differences in language and culture), and that these two nations have never shared any geographical proximity before or after the racial cleansing of this area (euphemistically referred to as "The Removal" or "The Trail of Tears"), ie, not here in the southeast United States or in Oklahoma or Texas. Moreso than simply puzzled, i became suspicious that the claimed incidences of Cherokee&Blackfoot mixing could be better explained by something other than a statistical anomaly.

So i've been wondering how this mixture of nationalities took place. Part of this curiosity is fueled by my own mixed-blood Native heritage - Blackfoot & Hunkpapa Lakota of Standing Rock. Among the Lakota/Dakota/Nakota Nation, Blackfoot is a clan that i've never heard anybody refer to apart from history and cultural texts. Another part of the mystery is the term "Blackfoot" itself: the tribe up north is called "Blackfeet", but most people claiming this mix with Cherokee blood refer to themselves as "Blackfoot" -- is it the same? or different? I haven't found "Blackfoot" people who know much - if anything - about the Blackfeet up north. What does this mean?

I've come to the conclusion, albeit based on personal observations, the following information and stories and my growing knowledge of Cherokee history, that for the most part, the claim to Cherokee and Blackfoot blood is actually a story intentionally designed by people's ancestors to cover up the African ("Black") bloodline in their past, and to disguise it as a racial group more commonly accepted in White majoritarian society - American Indian. Hence "Black" becomes "Blackfoot", and thereby more tolerable to White relatives.

Granted that there certainly are actual instances in which Blackfeet and Cherokee people have met and intermarried - i readily accept this. But down here in the South, and the Chattanooga area specifically, where Whites are now so ready to cite their Native American ancestors, there still exists a very deep racial prejudice among Natives and Whites against having African/Black ancestors. I hear about it all the time -- the bad-mouthing by Native full-bloods and mixed-bloods alike of a local full-blood Indian Commissioner who's reputed to have Black blood, fully intended as a racial slur; the active ignoring of the local African American community whose various members have, by far, more Native blood than their White counterparts; the attempts to cheapen the Indianess of another state official involved in American Indian politics by saying she's Black, not Indian, because she looks more Black; the self denial of any Black blood by a Native American very active in Tennessee Native politics who appears to have African ancestors. These incidents tell me that Black/african blood will be denied in most every person's genealogy.

In sum, my argument is based entirely on the philosophical principle of Occam's razor (see the bottom of this page for a more complete explanation) -- that when faced with differing explanations for an event, rational simplicity is best. So when given the concept of Cherokee & Blackfoot marriages and their general lack of explanation, i deduce from their geographical separation that it is unlikely that such a preponderance of marriages actually occurred between Blackfoot people of the Northwest and Cherokee people of the Southeast, and that a simpler, more logical explanation is that "Blackfoot" became a way of disguising African/"Black" relatives and ancestors.

I'm interested in what you think about this theory, especially if you offer proof to debunk or support it.

Thanks for taking the time to read this.


http://www.native-languages.org/iaq18.htm

From the above website hwe have the following:

Q: Did the Blackfoot Indians ever live in the South (Georgia, Virginia, the Carolinas, etc.)? Did they ever merge with the Cherokee tribe?

A: It's interesting how often this question comes up. The Blackfoot Indians are people of the Northern Plains--Montana and Alberta, Canada--where they still live to this day. Not only did they never live in the southern states, they were never forced to move to Oklahoma, so they never had close contacts with the Cherokees either before or after the Trail of Tears.

However, during the 1800's, a lot of Native Americans suddenly began to surface in the southeast identified as "Blackfoot" or "Blackfoot-Cherokee." There are several theories as to why. One is that "Blackfoot" may just have been a popular tribe around then, so great-grandma from South Carolina got remembered as a Blackfoot Princess simply because it sounded more glamorous than "Catawba" did. This kind of thing happened more often than you might think (coincidentally enough, many people have been incorrectly identified as Cherokees when they really belonged to some other tribe, as well). Second, "Blackfoot" was evidently a code word among the early African-American community for a person of mixed American Indian and African heritage. And third, I've heard it suggested that local white people may have called the Saponi people of Virginia and North Carolina "Blackfoot" for some reason--possibly because the name of a Saponi band, town, or leader may have translated as "Black Foot." Since the Saponi were known for taking in escaped African slaves, perhaps the second and third theories might both be true.

This author has obviously been influenced by the www.Saponitown.com website.
Blackfoot Indians are Sissipahaw Indians, a band of the Catawba

Enigmatic Blackfoot Identifications East of the Mississippi and the Piedmont Siouan of Virginia and North Carolina By Linda Carter

Sissipaha - A former small tribe of North Carolina, presumably Siouan, from their alliance and associations with known Siouan tribes. They must have been an important tribe at one time, as Haw River, the chief head stream of Cape Fear river, derives its name from them, and the site of their former village, known in 1728 as Haw Old Fields, was noted as the largest body of fertile land in all that region. It was probably situated about the present Saxapahaw on Haw River, in the lower part of Alamance County, North Carolina. -- Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30.

If this huge settlement in the Haw river valley was called 'Isi Asepihiye' and the English heard it, they would likely slur all the double vowels. English speakers have trouble pronouncing the double vowels common to Native languages.. They also have difficulting accenting even numbered syllables the way native languages are generally spoken. It's quite likely they'd drop the initial 'i' sound. Given those assumptions,

Tutelo =                English
Isi =                 foot
asepihiye =      blacken
Isi asepihiye = Blackfoot
isi asepihiye = sissipaha

I think this makes for an exceptionally 'clean' corruption. It also makes sense as a name when you consider that the Haw river valley is the largest fertile plain in the region. The people there were great, prosperous farmers. Native farmers used slash and burn agriculture. Hence the emphasis on blackened feet. That's where their prosperity came from, the crux of their economy. From the archeological evidence, they were a very dense population. Epidemics spread through them like wildfire (which is documented). Then, once the economy switched to the fur trade in order to compete in the European-imposed arms race, agriculture lost its importance economically.

The name Blackfoot would then have evoked memories of a much kinder and gentler past. Something a people facing chaos and obvlivion would have treasured. Perhaps that's why that name has been preserved in so many families for the past three hundred years.

The word “Blackfoot” has been carried in a small but distinct group of families that derived east of the Mississippi, and who could have no logical connection to the Blackfoot nation of the Plains.   I would like to demonstrate that there is a distict pattern of surnames and origins to this group, and that they hark back to an historic group of tribes by way of much intriguing evidence. . . .

There have been objections raised to the theory that the Blackfoot ID in families deriving east of the Mississippi are Eastern Siouan. This objection has an alternate theory that this ID is the result of the popularity of the western, Siksika, Blackfoot performers in the Wild West shows of the 1890s, making their tribal name a household word. So, the theory goes, families who had either Native blood they knew nothing about, but wanted to give a name to, or, families with some degree of African blood they were trying to disavow, borrowed the name Blackfoot.

If this were the case, then there would be a geographical source traceable to the 1890s. With these families, however, the geographical sources clearly traces back to Colonial days, with many of these Blackfoot ID'd families migrating to other states as early as the 1740's.

Between 1740 and 1780, there was a Blackfoot Town, MD documented in what is now Dagsboro, DE (the border changed). Interestingly, in 1743, there was a well-documented uprising of the Tutelo (Piedmont Siouan) and the Seneca against the British in that vicinity. This does demonstrate that this identification was found on the east coast in Colonial times, with an association to the Piedmont Siouan. I've also heard from other researchers of documentation they saw, but didn't note the source for. One was of the "Blackfoot of the Dan" (a river in the VA/NC Piedmont). Another, which may be in Colonial records held in England, was a reference to a group of tribes coming to the VA colonial government, stating that they were banding together for strength and were calling themselves the Blackfoot. I've yet to find these sources and would appreciate word if anyone does find them.

Let me deal chronologically with what’s known about the village or tribe, the Sissipaha, which I believe translates as “Blackfoot.” The Sissipaha are associated with the Shakori and Eno branches of the Piedmont Siouan family or confederation of tribes, which were extremely early casualties of English encroachment and simultaneous conflict with the Iroquois. [NOTE HERE MAP I HAVE]

There are perhaps 20 tribes or villages of Siouan speaking people of the Piedmont who were constantly merging together for protection through harrowing times.  (Though very distantly related to the Sioux tribes of the west, we must be careful not assume too great a cultural similarity.)   Eno (where, presumably, Sissipaha survivors who would have been associated at that point) are mentioned as one of the groups huddled at Fort Christanna in 1713-1717.  Some accounts refer to them as the Stuckenock.  There is also mention of the Sissipaha/Shakori/Eno joining the Catawba (also Siouan) in northern South Carolina in roughly this period. 

During the Fort Christanna period, Governor Spotswood of Virginia, for his convenience, dubbed all the Siouan tribes there as “Saponi.” That, and the word Tutelo, dominated the naming of these people in historical references from then on.   For that reason, we will refer to the Eastern, Piedmont Siouan as "Saponi" in most of the following.  The historical record runs mainly as such:

Probably about 1740 the Saponi and Tutelo went north, stopping for a time at Shamokin, in Pennsylvania, about the site of Sunbury, where they and other Indians were visited by the missionary David Brainard in 1745.  In 1753 the Cayuga formally adopted the Saponi and Tutelo, who thus became a part of the Six Nations, though all had not then removed to New York.  In 1765 the Saponi are mentioned as having 30 warriors living at Tioga, about Sayre, PA, and other villages on the northern branches of the Susquehanna.  A part remained here until 1778, but in 1771 the principal portion had their village in the territory of the Cayuga, about 2 miles south of what is now Ithaca, NY.  After which they disappear from history [the Saponi, that is - the Tutelo survived a bit longer with the Cayuga on Six Nations reserve in Canada. A cholera epidemic in the late 1800's reduced their numbers to the point that the survivors merged with the Cayuga. Some of their customs and ceremonies are still observed, and they have many descendants there]. -- Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, page 464.

What has interested me, however, since it appears my own family was among those who “had not then removed to New York” are the other clues to migrations that did not end in total biological extinction.

Please go here


for more information.

Conclusion

So my own opinion is that the Eastern Blackfoot are a remnant group of Nanticoke Indians, a group who migrated westward with the Delaware, and eventually merged with them, disappearing from historical records sometime after 1810.

A second opinion about Blackfoot Town by Dick Carter, chairman of the Delaware Heritage Commission, states the term probably originated not as with respect to any Indian community, but with the first settlers who walked through the local swamp, and the mud was black, hence the term "Blackfoot".

A third opinion is found at the link below.
http://www.darkfiber.com/blackirish/cherokeeblackfoot.html
The person creating this page thinks the term "Blackfoot Cherokee" refers to Southern mixed race (white, black, Indian) people who had African blood, and were ashamed to admit it.

A fourth opinion, that of Linda Carter, at the www.saponitown.com website, is that the term "Blackfoot" refers to the Sisipahaw, a band of the greater Catawba, or eastern Siouan peoples.

Hopefully I might have time to come back here and make arguments as to why I prefer my explanation. All are good arguments, and make have merit. It will be a while before I have time to comment further. When I do I will mention it on my facebook page  https://www.facebook.com/vance.hawkins