Saturday, January 17, 2015

Comments on "The Catawba Nation", by Charles M. Hudson

Comments on “The Catawba Nation” by Charles M. Hudson

These notes on Hudson's book are still in a state of flux. They are in the same order as Hudson placed them. Unfortunately, he didn't always place them in the correct chronological order, so this blog entry also isn't always in the correct chronological order. Eventually I'll get that all worked out. I just have a little time on weekends and after work to work on this. It'll take time.

Hudson skips back and forth in time some. If one seeks to discover how the Eastern Siouan fortunes or misfortunes change over time, this adds to the difficulty. I have tried to place events in such a manner that this we can determine changes over time. However, on the positive side, Hudson does mention the northern bands of the Catawba far more than Blumer did. We can see a little better what was going on with the Virginia Siouans. He mentions the Monacans and the Monatons. I am left to wonder if these are two spellings for the same people, just as I suspect the names of other bands are really different names for the same people. Whereas Blumer tells straight history, Hudson tells a little of how the people lived, and tells short stories mentioning several of these bands. Such stories are invaluable. However with singular unsubstantiated stories, one can never be certain the author knew what he was viewing. These stories are of great interest, but we must be careful in drawing any conclusions from them.

Lederer visited the Eastern Siouans (Catawba and Associated Bands) about 1670 and Lawson did the same about 1701.

Quoting Hudson; Our fullest early description of the Catawba comes to us from from the hands of John Lawson who visited them in January 1701 while on a journey from Charleston, South Carolina to the mouth of the Tar River in North Carolina. Having made contact with the Sewee, Santee, Congaree, and Wateree Nations while traveling on foot up the eastern banks of the Santee-Wateree-Catawba River system, he came upon the Catawba Nation situated a few miles from the present day 'Old Reservation'. (1)

First, we must make an effort to understand the people he is talking about. Hudson refers to the 'nations' of the Wateree, Congaree, Sewee, Santee, and Catawba. These are all part of ONE nation, one People, and NOT separate nations. It appears that some of the English only had a vague notion of this concept, where the Indians were concerned. What happens to each of these groups only makes sense once we realize they are all part of one greater nation.

Hudson adds; “The Waxhaw, Esaw, and Sugaree Nations were situated near the Catawba Nation, and all four appear to have been closely related.”

Apparently, Lawson tells little about the Catawba proper, but he does give a description of these other bands. Of these, Hudson tells us; Upon arriving among the Waxsaws, Lawson was entertained in a cabin that impressed him as being unusually large and well built. The Indians of these four nations lived in villages scattered through an area at about ten miles across. Each of these villages had a 'theatre' or 'stage-house' that was larger in size and different in construction from the bark-covered houses in which they lived. In these public buildings, ambassadors from other nations were received, political affairs were deliberated, and rituals were performed. Each village apparently had a government council of elders with a residing king and war captain, the relationships among these being governed by a personal code of etiquette.. At the same time as Lawson's visit, an ambassador from the Saponi Nation, located 150 miles to the north (2).

He speaks of dances performed for him, saying at the end of the dance the young men took their “sexual license” with as many as wanted, taking a woman for a “bed-fellow.”.

James Mooney was first to refer to the Catawba as “Eastern Siouan”. Hudson disagrees with some of Mooney's conclusions. In making his case, he makes a very important observation. While quoting Sapir, he says, “ . . . as Sapir was careful to point out, inferential evidence must be subjected to vigorous scrutiny and methodological rigor, otherwise it can lead to a to a badly distorted reconstruction, particularly in the hands of someone with a “theory”.(Sapir 1951:394). This is so very important, especially with respect to the origins of the Melungeons, as we shall see before the end of this book. One of the main reasons I am writing this is to explain why so many ideas about the Melungeons are in error. It is my hope that seeing the true origins of the Melungeons will will help develop some pride in their American Indian heritage, and that they shall learn to reject the many theories about their origins that are pure and utter nonsense.

In the late 19th and early 20th century studies were made of the Tutelo, Woccan, and Catawba languages, three of the tribes between the Cherokee and Creek tribes in the west and the Atlantic Ocean. All three proved to be of Siouan origin (3)

Mooney wrote “Siouan Tribes of the East”. In 1896. He concluded 26 of the tribes found in the Carolinas and Virginia were Eastern Siouan; Monocan, Saponi, Occoneechi, Sara/Cheraw, Keeauwee, Eno, Waxsaw, Sugaree, Pedee, Santee, Sewee, Wateree, Congaree, Mahoc, Nuntaneuck, Meipontsky, Shoccori, Adshusheer, Sissipahaw, Cape Fear, Warrennncock, Waccamaw, Winyaw, Hooks and Backhooks, Nahyssan, and Mohetan. Notice how many of them end in the “ee”, “i”, or “y” sound. Some end in the “aw” sound. A couple end in the “oc” or “euck” sounds. A few end in the “an” sound. If we delete the final “r”, “Adshusheer” becomes “Adshushee”, that final “ee” sound of many other bands. This is a remarkable uniformity for so many bands. Hudson saw a flaw in Mooney's classification, as no words or vocabulary exists for most of these bands. He saw no proof they were Eastern Siouan ancestry. But we shall see many of them moved in with the Catawba from time to time, I strongly suspect Mooney was right, but have to agree with Hudson that absolute proof of it is lacking (4).

Some evidence provided by Mooney, that Hudson downplays, however, include William Byrd's statement that the the Monacan and Manahoac languages were similar to Tutelo and Saponi. Of these languages, only the Tutelo is known, as Tutelo survivors moved in with the Six Nations, and thus their language survived longer than many of the others.

The map below shows most of these eastern Siouan bands. They do show the Coosa and Cusabo way too close to the Catawba and Associated Bands than I usspect they actually were. Anything named “Coosa” is of Creek/Muscogeean origin, which I suspect the origin of the Cusabo as well. Recall how Blumer stated there was a vast region between the Catawba speaking peoples and the Muscogean speaking peoples. I do not know how they come up with the date 1650 for this map, but it is a time frame about which we know very little. If you look at the Siouan bands as part of a great nation, we see them abandoning the northern regions of their territory between 1650 and 1700. I suspect most of Virginia was abandoned, and small parts of it retaken after the abandonment of Fort Christanna, resulting in the Monacan peoples in Amherst County, and the Melungeons on the Virginia/Tennessee border.

Below is a map dated about 1650. Between 1650 and 1700 some major catastrophe must have befallen the northern Siouan bands. The Manahoak, Saponi, Monacan, Tutelo and others flee the Western portions of Virginia to take refuge granted by Governor Spotswood of Virginia at Fort Christanna. There are several possible candidates for this catastrophe. One being the Iroquois, their ancient enemy, killed them in warfare. A second being the slave traders of South Carolina enslaved them and sold them in the Caribbean. They used local non-Siouan tribes on slave raiding treks to the interior. Of course this would give other Indian traders a chance to use the Eastern Siouans on a revenge raid against those who had raided their villages, thus helping to depopulate the entire region of Indians, making colonization easier for the English. A third reason would be of course, the small pox epidemics. Small Pox was known to travel through entire nations, wiping out half of the population at once. But it is clear the Northern bands were cut down first, leaving only remnants. It was in the next decade or two after their decimation that many of the southern bands came to the same end. The end of many Southern bands was a result of the Tuscarora and Yamassee wars. The following three maps will bear that out. Notice the changes in these maps, one a snapshot of about 1650, the second about 1700, and the third about 1720. Centuries of traditions, the evolution of languages and dialects, and of cultures, were forgotten and abandoned, erased from the earth forever. It is amazing that such a disaster could happen. Click on the map and it should expand.




Hudson spends pages explaining why/why not the “hill tribes” were/were not Eastern Siouan. He eventually concludes they lived at the location when they first came into contact with Europeans, for a very, very long time. He speaks of four Spanish expeditions – Panfilo de Narvaez, Hernando de Soto, Tristan de Luna, and Juan Pardo. These expeditions occurred between 1521 when a raid for slaves was made on the Chicora coast and 1569 when the Spanish established a settlement at Santa Elena and hoped to use the Indian farmers labors as a permanent food supply. The Spanish raided the area for slaves only rarely. Hudson mentions the slave raids might have caused the coastal people to migrate. There is a Shakori Band of these hill tribes a little inland that could correspond to the Chicori mentioned by the Spanish. Mention is made by Lawson of great flocks of pigeons between the lands of the Esaw and Sapona Indians (5). Esaw is also called Yesah, or Iswa. If you make the “Y” sound a “W” sound instead, you have “Wesaw”, which might correspond to “Waxsaw”. The Esaw and Waxsaw might be the same people.



The map above portrays the Catawba and Assiciated Bands closer to the time of Lawson, about 1700. Here is an interesting note on Indian slavery. Hudson tackles this topic a little more than Blumer. He states; “While warfare or raiding was definitely important in the Southeast, early colonial references to continual Indian wars were often rationalizations for enslaving the Indians. . . . we shall see presently that in early colonial times most of this Indian warfare was stimulated by Charleston traders as a means of acquiring slaves.” (6)

Hudson makes comments about the hill tribes of the Piedmont as being more backwards than their Cherokee or Creek neighbors. But what we know of the Creek and Cherokee runs forward from 1750 to the present, whereas all our knowledge about the Eastern Siouan 'hill tribes' flows from 1670 only up to 1750 by which time many of these hill tribes becomes extinct, or their numbers have been assimilated into the local populations. We could say the same about the colonists, that is, the colonists before 1750 were more primitive than those who came afterwards.

Hudson talks quite a bit about Lawson's observations of 1701. He states, “As Lawson journeys up the Catawba River, he successfully passed through the territories of the Waxsaw's, Esaw's, Sugaree's, and Catawba's . . . Unlike the hill tribes, all these groups were populous. In every village, beginning with the Waxsaw, Lawson saw a “townhouse” . . . Lawson said the last town house he saw was at Saponi, situated northeast of the Catawbas, on the Upper Pedee River . . . at Saponi, Lawson first mentions seeing protective palisades that were common in the Northern Piedmont. At the time of Lawson's visit, the Saponi were considering confederation with two other hill tribes, the Tutelo and the Keyauwee. The three, being small . . .thought they should strengthen themselves . . . and become formidable . . . (7). Some of the Catawba tribes are said to have practiced skull deformation. Hudson says; “. . .the Catawba were sometimes called “Flat Heads, but this usage was generally limited to the Iroquois, who referred to the entire Catawba Confederacy by this designation.” (8)

Interestingly, Hudson says the Indians living on the Catawba River were called “Esaws” until about 1710. After that time to the present, they were called “Catawbas”. He offers no reason for this change. Now the Esaw were also called Iswa, and Yesah. (9). The Esaw town is always, on maps, near the Waxhaw village. Both towns dissapear about the same time. They both end in the "saw" sound. 

Little is known about the history and culture of the Piedmont Indians. Only the Virginia traders knew them at all, and they left us very little information about them. Hudson says that according to Lawson, the Eastern Siouans were middle men in trade with other Indians. Hudson says, “Lawson, for example, met a man named John Stewart, a Virginia trader residing with the Catawba King, who had traded there for many years.”

Quite a bit is suspected about these traders relationships with the Piedmont Catawba. For instance, Hudson says; When discussing Lawson who seemed to be paraphrasing Stewart; “They set apart the youngest and prettiest faces for trading girls. These are remarkable for their hair, having a particular tensure by which they are known and distinguished from those engaged to husbands. They are mercenary, and whoever makes use of them, first hires them, e greatest share of the gain going to the King's purse, who is the chief bawd, exorcizing his prerogative over all the stews of the nation, and his own cabin very often being the chiefest brothel-house.” Not knowing the meanings of several of these words Hudson uses, one can make pretty good guesses from the path his words wonder through. A court of law probably wouldn't accept the above as it is so-and-so saying so-and-so said something. It should carry the weight of any “gossip, meaning it may or may not be true.

I have seen others write of the influence of the South Carolina traders. Hudson however, speaks of the Virginia traders., saying in the late 17th century the Virginia traders influenced the Catawba and Piedmont Catawba. After the Oechonocanough massacre in 1644, a serious of forts were built in Virginia. These forts became jumping off points for expeditions into the interior of Virginia and nearby regions by the commanders of these forts.

Per Hudson, Abraham Wood was perhaps the most successful of of these explorers. He commanded Fort Henry at the falls of the Appomattox River. It was located near present day Petersburg, Virginia. Her Hudson, the Occaneechi Trading Path first went to Occoneechi Island on the Roanoke River, which ran straight to the Catawba, and from there to the Lower Cherokee towns. He also says “It was called the Catawba Trading Path.” If this trail was known by both names, this tells us something about the relationship between the Occoneechi an the Catawba. Also ending with the “ee” or “i” sound is a characteristic shared by most of the bands of the Catawba.. Hudson speaks of a second route from Fort Henry to the Kanawha River, then south to the Cherokee. Hudson speaks of a report by one Edward Bland, a trader who in 1650 made a trip to the falls of the Roanoke River, mentioned that Abraham Wood was with him. Upon haring a musket go off, Wood's Appamattuck guide reportedly said that it was “Wainoake spies”. If you remove the beginning and end of that word, you have “Ainoa”, or “Eno”. It appears these “Appamattock” Indians apparently, were NOT affiliated with the Catawba. It is the Algonquin tribes that have words that end in the consonant sound. All Cherokee words end ini the vowel sound, and it appears that so do many of the Eastern Siouan words (11).

In 1670, when John Lederer pased through a Monacan village, they were greeted by a volley of muskets, it was described as a sign of greeting. In 1671 Batts and Fallam mentioned fire arms were discovered in the Saponi village on the Staunton River. The same expedition mentions the Tutelo village near present day Salem, Virginia, gave a few shots of powder to a Mohetan Indian, stating his people were then living on the Kanawha River. Since both the colonies of South Carolina and Virginia forbade the sale of firearms to the Indians at this time, the presence of all these weapons is a puzzle. Indians at the coast had much easier access to muskets, thus making Indians in the interior an easier victim in the slave trade.

No one has successfully explained the origin of these firearms. One comment made by Abraham Wood. However. Might explain their origin. Woods mentions the Tomahittan Indians of the southern Appalachians visited him. And stated that they had about 60 guns “which were not of English manufacture.” I suspect these Tomahittans were actually Indians from Florida, although many acquaint them with the Cherokee, and they might be right. I just want to dot all my eyes, and cross all my t's. Wood sent Gabriel Arthur to live with them as a preliminary to trade. Apparently they forced Arthur to travel with them on raids, and he reported reported them on a raid to a Spanish town. They spotted a Spaniard and killed him, taking his weapons. This might account for some of the weapons the Indians of the interior possessed, but I suspect some South Carolina and perhaps Virginia traders also traded illegally in weapons (12), however evidence is wanting. Hudson gives a possible explanation for the Virginia Traders not writing about their exploits. He says, “. . . the Virginia traders left little or no account of their dealings with the Indians. Their failure in this was intentional . . . they wanted to to conceal their illegal in arms and ammunition.”

Hudson mentions the Tuscarora wanted to be the middle men, trade wise. He speaks of their trade with the Shoccores and Achonechy (Occoneechi). An Occoneechi Indian named “Indian John, also known a “Hasecoll, enroute to trade with the Tomahittans, is mentioned. It is presumed that he killed Needham, with the murder occurred because the Occoneechi wanted to maintain a monopoly on trade with the tribes in the interior. The Tomahittans fled. Arthur returned to the Sara village, and hired four Saura Indians to take their place. They would accompany him only as far as Eno Town, for fear of the Occoneechi's. It stated Wood went to visit the Tomahittan's and they returned to Fort Henry, but went by an indirect route through Tutelo Town and then to Monacan Town. From there to Fort Henry, skirting north of the Occoneechi's. As a result of these events, Per Hudson, Wood says of the Occaneechi; “. . .they are but a handful of people, beside what vagabonds repaire to them, it beeing a receptacle for rogues.”(13).

Later, we hear of Bacon's Rebellion. No account of the history of these Piedmont Catawba can be complete without some mention of Bacon's Rebellion. Hudson discusses this event, but only briefly. He says, “In 1676 the Occoneechi successfully withstood an attack by 200 Virginians, but in doing so they reportedly lost 50 men.” Hudson reports that sometime between 1676 and1701 them moved to a location near Hillsboro, North Carolina, where they are located as mentioned by Lawson in that year. A decade later, they, along with the Tutelo, Saponi and others, move to Fort Christanna (14).



After the Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars, here is a map of the locations of the various Catawban bands about 1720. You will notice several bands no longer exist, or have incorporated with other bands. This is an indication that they are banding together for strength, as their numbers have drastically fallen. I strongly suspect this is due to the Small Pox, and constant warfare driven by the slave trade. Notice the Saponi have moved to the northeast and the Cheraw have moved to the southeast. Vast areas of North Carolina are vacant of Indians, where the Tuscarora and several bands associated with the Catawba had been. The Esaw, Waxsaw and Eno have vanished simultaneously. We have the Saponi (really a unity of several bands that have moved together for protection) in the north at Fort Christanna. They represent all the bands previously in Virginia. It is thought warfare with the Six Nations vanquished them, but I suspect many were taken in slave raiding ventures by South Carolina traders using Indian allies of non-Siouan origins to capture them. Their absence clears the way for European settlement of central and Western Virginia. In or near the coasts of South Carolina we have the Cape Fear Indians to the north and the Settlement Indians nearer Charleston, their original band names having been lost to time. Only the Waccamaw are mentioned by name. Inland a ways are the Pedees, Cheraw, and Keyauwees. Still further inland we have the Catawba and Wateree. The Catawba are a grouping of several bands as well. There are great areas now uninhabited whereas previously there were several bands of Indians associated with the Catawba. The Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars have left a great deal of both Carolinas and Virginia uninhabited, now free and open to European colonization.

Hudson contrasts the South Carolina traders with the Virginia traders. “Unlike the Virginia traders, the Charleston traders conducted a lively business in Indian slaves. This becomes so prevalent that in contemporary documents the statement that the Indians had gone to war is virtually synonymous with saying they had gone to capture slaves. . . . Sometimes the traders would force their own Indian slaves to go out and capture ther Indians for slaves as a mans of purchasing their own freedom.” Often the traders would sell rum (illegally) to the Indians, and get them into a debt that they could not repay. The traders would then say they would forgive the debt if the Indians would go to war against a neighboring tribe to gain slaves of them. (15). Such slave raiding took place on a great scale. In 1715 trader Thomas Nairne boasted that the Yamassee Indians had raided the Florida Keys for slaves as Indians further north in Florida had for all intents and purposes, vanished, due to all the slave raids. The Indians finally grew tired of the South Carolina traders, and this resulted in the Yamassee War of 1715-1716. Hudson says this war was an end to the Santee, Sewee, Pedee, Congaree, Cusabo and Waxhaw. The survivors fled to either the remaining Spanish Indians near Spanish towns or the Catawba. After this war, the Catawba and Associated Bands never again acted on their own behalf in the political realm of their being an independent Indian Nation. All their future actions were were determined by their being a satellite of the South Carolina Colony. By the 1730s, the South Carolinians were far more worried about a Negro slave insurrection than an Indian revolt. Another account mentions that until about 1717, the colony exported more slaves than it imported. In short, there were few Indians left to enslave.

In 1735, John Thompson is called a trader with the Cheraw Indians on the East bank of the Pedee River. Hudson names 3 other 'later' traders with the Cheraw – Samuel Armstrong, Christopher Gadsden, and John Crawford. Hudson says Samuel Wyley was the most important trader to the Wateree about 1751. He later became an unofficial agent for the Catawba. Other interesting traders throughout the 1730's and 1740's were George Haig, and it is possible King Haigler was named for him. Thomas Brown set up his trading business at the Congarees about 1730. He had a son named Thomas Brown who was half-Catawba. In 1748 Haig and Thomas Brown Jr were captured by the Iroquois. Haig was killed and the young Brown was freed after being ransomed. A small pox epidemic in 1738 devastated the Catawba. Robert Steil also became a trader at the Congarees (16).

Please notice that Hudson has not mentioned the Northern Piedmont Catawba tribes in quite some time. They were all rounded up by Virginia's Governor Spotswood, and sent to Fort Christanna. Their numbers had been shrinking, and they needed to band together to help them survive.

In the 1740s the government still considered the Catawba a Nation, as opposed to the Settlement Indians. Per Hudson, these settlement Indians were for the most part, composed of Indian Nations that were quickly on the road to extinction, passing first by the way of assimilation. He says; “The settlement Indians consisted of Cheraws (Sara), Uchee's (Yuchi), Pedees, Notchees (Natchez), Cape Fear and others. Governor James Glenn stated in 1746 the Catawba had about 300 warriors. In 1743 Adair estimates the Catawba had abut 400 fighting men. Adair also says the Catawba Nation consists of over 20 dialects, and he lists a few of them – Katabhaw, Wateree, Eeno, Chewah, Chowan, Cangaree, Nachee (Natchez), Yamassee, Coosah, etc.(18).

By 1760 the Catawba were a small nation completely surrounded by White frontiersmen. Another small pox epidemic in 1759 had killed half again, of the Catawba Nation. In 1763 King Haiglar had been killed. In his place was elected Colonel Ayers. Hudson suggests Ayers fell out of favor with the South Carolina government, and Samuel Wyley, acting on behalf of South Carolina Governor Bull, persuaded the Catawba to get rid of Ayers, and they elected King Frow to take his place in 1765. The names of a few of his headmen exist. They were Captain Thomson, John Chestnut, and Wateree Jenny. By the turn of the Century, the Catawba no longer mattered. They were few in number, surrounded by Scots-Irish settlers who barely realized there were any Indians living in their midst (19).

And what became of the Saponi at Fort Christanna, or the Settlement Indians in lowland South Carolina? Hudson doesn't say. We will have to look elsewhere for the answers to these questions.


The Catawba Nation, by Charles M. Hudson

1.   p. 1
2.   p. 2
3.   p. 6
4.   p. 7
5.   p. 16-20
6.   p. 21-22
7.   p. 26
8.   p. 27
9.   p. 28
10. p. 30
11. p. 31-32
12. p. 32-33
13. p. 35-36
14. p. 37
15. p. 39
16. p. 42
17. p. 46
18. p. 47-48
19. p. 51

Wednesday, December 31, 2014

Comments about "Catawba Nation, Treasures in History" by Thomas J Blumer

From Catawba Nation, Treasures in History by Thomas J Blumer

The Spanish Years
The Catawba are barely known in Native American history due to the fact that they alone stayed behind in the Carolinas following the notorious “Trail of Tears”. The Catawba were almost forgotten to history. (1) In 1884, Anthropologist Dr. E Palmer visit4ed their nation and wrote notes on the. His notes are however now forgotten. In 1908 Dr. M. R. Harrington made a visit from Washington D. C. to the catawba Nation. He published a small book “The Catawba Indians” in 1909. Dr. Blumer's recent studies on these people has helped rediscover a people nearly forgotten.

Catawba-Spanish Contact
The Yuchi wre neighbors of the Catawba. They were living on the coast, near modern day Savannah, Georgia. They lived on the Muskogeean/Siouan border region. There language has said to look a little like the Muskogeean and a little like the Catawba. The English language looks like it also has dual origins, part Germanic and part Latin. Their language might tell us more about those who once conquered them than about they themselves. These Yuchi have a legend telling of viewing ships on the horizon, that landed on the coast. They returned a second time and took samples of the soil. They returned a third time, this time wanting land on which to grow crops. This is the Yuchi story.
Returning to recorded history, we have another tale to tell. The Catawba first saw Spanish ships in 1521. These ships were owned by Vasquez de Ayllon, and they were on a slave gathering mission. At a place called Chicora, the Spanish tricked some of the Catawba on board, then took off with them They went back to the Caribbean where they were sold as slaves. One of the slave ships sank, and many on the other ship later died.
The Spaniards traained one of the Indian slaves to speak Spanish, and renamed him Francisco de Chicora. Ayllon in 1621, returned to Chicora with Francisco, hoping to colonize the land. This time when Ayllon arrives, the Indians who saw his ships arrive fled into the woods. Francisco did the same, when he got the chance. The Spaniards never saw him again. This attempt to plant a colony on the Carolina coast failed. (2)
Sometime between Ayllon's expedition and De Soto's, they started calling this land “Cofitachique”. Cofitachique is a name of Muscogeean origin. Now the Muscogeean and Catawba peples were mortal enemies. The Creek/Muscogeean people started telling the Spaniards of a fabled land called Cofitachique which was a wealthy land full of wealth. He heard of a place called Yup-aha. Perhaps this was what became Yas-eh/Esaw/Waxhaw? We will never know. On De Soto's route to discover Cofitachqui, he came across the Creek/Muscogeean village of Cofaque. When they knew what De Soto wanted to do, they were eager to join the expedition. The Cofaque brought a great supply of food with them. They were eager to obtain vengeance on Cofitachique, but the Spaniards were ignorant of their ambitions. (3)
Interestingly, Blumer mentions a great buffer between the Creek and Siouan speakers. There was a rgeat region where no people lived. This is something many researchers ignore, but has to be understood and explained in any research of American Indian Peoples. ALL tribes had a great parcel of land they called “the hunting grounds” that remained uninhabited. That is where the tribal animal herds were kept. It is a lie that the Indians didn't own animals, they just owned them communally, not individually. They considered the deer, turkey, and smaller game as theirs, and if a neighboring tribe was caught in their hunting grounds, a war often was the result. Since more than one tribe used the same hunting grounds, inter-tribal warfare as common.
Finally De Soto and his Cofaque allies reached a village loyal to Cofitachique. Immediately the Cofitaque started massacreing the villagers, and the took many scapls. When De Soto realized their deception, he gave Cofaque war captain Patofa many gifts, and sent them back home. He conontinued on to Cofitachique.
On May 1, 1540, De Soto's men came to a large river. De Soto remained there until 13 may, 1540. Cofitachique was ruled by a woman. Despite being treated with great respect, the Spanish too her as a hostage. Blumer continues to say “Today we know the site of Cofitachique as modern Camden, [South Carolina]. The Catawba did not abandon its ceremonial center until after the treaty of Augusta in 1763.” (4)
The map below is the route of the eastern half of De Soto's Expedition.





The Spanish began an effort to colonize the vast holdings of the Cofitachique , also called Canos or Canosi until after the founding of St. Augustine in 1565. Pedro Memendez de Aviles was the man behind this adventure, and he had the backing of the Spanish crown. Prt on of this adventue was the defeat of the french in the area. Part two was the founding of Santa Elena on the Sout Carolina coastline. The third part of his plan was to gather about 120 men under the command of Captain Juan Pardo, and have them march inland. Menendez hoped they'd find an inland road to what is now Mexico. Pardo was also asked to pacify the Indians, and evangelize them so that they would become Christians, and bring them under the authority of the Spanish Crown. Pardo's progress was recorded by Juan de la Bandera, Pardo's archivist. Father Sebastian Montero went along, with the job of converting the Indians. They travelled through the heart of the Catawba regions. According to Blumer, the names of many of the locations Pardo visited still had similar names as the names recorded by De Soto's men earlier, an those names were of Catawban origin. Father Montero spent several years amongst the Wateree (called by the Spaniards Guateri) and he had some success in converting them to Catholocism. A report exists where some Indians learned Spanish, and even several catholic prayers. (5)
Please note they were never LOST. Also note they were NOT Portuguese, but rather Spanish. Would a 19th century Cauasian of Scottish ancestor report that his ancestry in the 17th century were English? .NO! He'd report they were Scots! And the Spanish were no different. They were as proud of their heritage as any of us would be. And as we will see later, there were trade routes, paths and roads that went to and from all the Catawban and Eastern Siouan towns. There is no was a group of Pardo's men could have gotten lost. They knew the roads back to Spanish settlements very well. Here (below) is a map of Pardo's route. Some of Pardo's men remained in the interior and these are the men some say were the unfortunate ones, those left behind, under the command of Moyano. But notice the movements of Moyano's men in the interior IS KNOWN! How could hi sovements have been known if he disappeared? It makes no sense.



I bring this up because some claim the Melungeons descend from a group of “Portuguese Adventurers.” Others claim some of Pardo's men got lost. Some claim they were descended from runaway slaves, or even shipwrecked Turkish sailors, some other band of lost souls. Odd though, that they have English surnames, then, isn't it? More on this later.
By March 1568 Pardo's work was finished. In 1572 father Montero left the Wateree/Guateri. His mission was abandoned. (5). The Spanish failed in their attempt to make the Catawba and the bands of Indians associated with them into Spanish Colony. They were still a strong Indian Nation in the 1570's. By the 1720s they were a rag-tag remnant of a great nation. What changed in the 150 years between 1570-1720? Blumer's book just cuts to the Tuscarora wars of 1711-1713. That and the Yamasee wars of the following year saw a great decline in fortunes of these Eastern Siouans. Before we delve into those wars, we need to know what happened to the Indians between the Spanish years, the 1570s, and the Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars. What happened between 1572 and 1711?

1572-1711
There is very little to go on about the eastern Siouan peoples from 1572 to 1670, and there is nothing from 1572 to 1711 (or very little) in Dr. Blumer's book. Other writers have a little and I hope it will fill in a few of the gaps.

The Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars and Repercussions, 1711-1717
Per Blumer, the Tuscarora Wars has several causes. He says I.] “The Indians objected the settlement of New Bern, North Carolina in 1710. ii.] The Indian traders also cheated the Tuscarora Indians regularly. The last straw was iii.] The ill treatment of intoxicated Tuscarora by a settler. towards a major confrontation with North Carolina. I.] Seneca agitation also pushed the Tuscarora towards a major agitation with North Carolina.
The Tuscarora attack wa carefully planned. At dawn, September 22nd, 1711, over 130 settlers were killed by noon. Survivors fled to Bath and New Bern. For the next four months, the Tuscarora pillaged at will. Captives were tortured, and executed.
South Carolinian Captain John Barnwell left Charles Town with only 30 men, but travelled inland to recruit an Indian and then pouncing on the Tuscarora from the west. Blumer says that it is thought the Tuscarora had only recently moved south into North Carolina, onto Catawban lands. I do not know the evidence for this. But we do know the Tuscarora and the Catawba were traditional enemies, and had been for some time. They needed no convincing to go to war with the Tuscarora. The Yamassee were also recruited. The Tuscarora were no match for their combined forces. Blumer says Barnwell recruited 500 Indians, 350 of which were Catawba and their allies. Blumer mentioned Congaree, Waxhaw, Wateree, Cheraw and others allied to these Catawban peoples.
Blumer gives an impressive view of what a catawba warrior looked like in the old days. I feel I need to report what he says of their appearance. He says:
The Catawba and their allies went to war in the traditional way. The women combed their men's hair with bear grease and red root. The men's ears were decked out with feathers, copper, wampum, and even entire birds wings. The men painted their faces with vermillion. Often one eye was circled in black paint, and the other in white.
War dances were performed, and the men set out looking as fierce as possible. Blucher goes on to say some had guns and others had bows and arrows. He says; In full traditional battle attire, the Catawba must have been an impressive site. The name of the Catawba War Captain who led the nation on this expedition has been lost to history. None of the Indians would enter a war party without the urging of a powerful war captain who had won the right to carry snake images on his person in paint or tattoo.
Now Indian warfare was not as Barnwell had expected. The first battle was at the Tuscarora village of Narhantes. The Catawba took as many captives as they could get their hands on, and headed for the slave markets of Charleston, and sold them. By the end of February 1712, Barnwell's army consisted of about 90 Whites, and 148 Indians, mostly Yamassees. On March 1st, Barnwell's army entered Tuscarora King Hancock's town, which was deserted. On March 5th, King Hancock's fort was surrounded. He threatened to torture his captives in frout of Barnwell's men. Both sides agreed to hold a conference on March 19th at Bachelor's Creek. The Tuscarora did not show up.
Barnwells reputation began to slide. He was forced to return to the Catawba towns, and get them to return to the battle. On April 7th, Barnwell's reinforced army returned to Hancock's Fort. These attacks lasted 10 days. Again, his Catawba allies gathered as many captives as possible, and headed to the slave markets of Charleston.
Blumer adds; Disappointed but determined to turn a profit, Barnwell lured Indians into Forn Barnwell on the pretext of a meeting. Once inside the fort, these unfortunate souls were held captive and shipped off to Charleston. Barnwell would have his profit in Indian flesh.
As a result of Barnwell's short but bloody Tuscarora incursions, all the Indians lost their confidence in the Christian Whites. The Tuscarora began their exodus to Canada, to be with their Iroquoian relatives. The Five Nations were going to become the Six Nations. They ever after wards held a great grudge against the Catawba and their allies. And because of Barnswell's actions in obtaining his own slaves, the Catawba quit trusting the Whites. (6) This would lead us to the next war with the Tuscarora.




The Second Tuscarora War
As Blumer states, The Tuscarora continued to ravage the countryside, just before their exodus to the north, in the same way the Israelites spoiled the Egyptians before fleeing Egypt. Settlers remained behind palisades and fortresses, afraid to venture out, but doing little to hep themselves, depending mostly of South Carolinians. Some fled the colony. In June 1712, a delegation of North Carolinians again asked South Carolina to come to their rescue.
Colonel James Moore set off form Charleston in October, 1712, to gather an Indian army. Barnwell then says somehting odd. He says; After Barnwell's deception, Moore's recruiting was rather slow. Rather than halt at Waxhaw Town (as did Barnwell), he marched further to the catawba towns, presumably to coax the Catawba directly. His fist task was to convince the Catawba War captians that a war against the Tuscarora was to their advantage . . .once the war captains agreed, they began the war ritual. He took up a pot drum and danced counterclockwise around his house, performing a call to war song. When a crowd of men gathered, the war captian recited the crimes of the Tuscarora against the Catawba. Then the war captain and their men fasted for three days. They purged their bodies of impurities with the powerful emetic button snakeroot.
Colonel Moore crossed the Cape Fear River with 500 Catawba and their Catawban allies, 300 Cherokee and 50 Yamassee; 33 Whites led the force. They joined 140 members of the North carolina militia. (7)
Menawhile, not all the Tuscarora were part of the rebellion. King Blound delivered King Hancock, leader of the rebellion, to the North Carolinians, who was then executed. Moore, rather than attack the Tuscarora, stayed in the North Carolina communities of New Bern, and Bath, and Albemerle. Without provisions, the Indian army gathered provisions amongst the settlers, eating their cattle and other rations. While Moore waited, the Tuscarora strengthened their fortress at Neoheroka. Their fortress consisted of 1.5 acres of man made caves, palisaded walls, and strong buildings with a source of water inside. After a bloody battle, Fort Neoheroka fell on March 20ieth, 1713. 475 Tuscarora were killed and another 415 were sold into slavery. This was the end of the Tuscarora resistance. A band of the Tuscarora remained in North Carolina with King Blount, and others not sold into slavery fled north to join their Tuscaroran relatives who had already fled to live with the Six Nations. (8)
From this time forth the Six Nations and the Catawba would be at war until the Catawba and their allies were completely and utterly ruined.
Also notice the mention of how Moore went beyond the Waxhaw. Later a claim is made that the Catawba destroyed the Waxhaw, but that claim was by South Carolinians. We know it was said there were only 50 Yamassee with Moore, whereas there were hundreds earlier. We also know Barnwell took friendly Indians as slaves to the slave market in Charleston. It might be argued that the Waxhaw village and some of the Yamassee were those so enslaved.
We shall also see the small pox killed off many of the Indians, including the Catawba. They proved unable to battle all these foes at one time. Their numbers dwindled to a pitiful few that forgot much of their heritage. I hope to write these things to resemble a coal of a fire or a lamp in the darkness of the history of the people. There was only one more great war where the Catawba fought for themselves.




The Yamassee War 1715-1716
Although the next conflict of the era is called “The Yamassee War” of 1715-1716, the Catawba were the largest Indian component, with 570 warriors. The Yamassee by comparrison, supplied only 400 warriors. According to Blumer, “All the Catawban speaking groups in both of the Carolinas joined this effort to expel the Europeans from the Southeast.”
Per Blumer; The Indians had many grievances against the settlers. They included abuses of a cruel and obscene nature committed by the white traders who worked among the Indians. i.] Abuses such as murder and rape were common. ii.] If needed, they would help themselves to the Indians crops and not pay for the food.. iii.] In addition, the traders fomented Indian wars to foster the Indian slave trade. iv.] Other grievances included white settlements that encroached on Indian lands.
Blumer says the war was instigated by the Creek Indians, but the settlers thought it must have been instigated by the French at Mobile Bay, or the Spaniards at Saint Augustine. Blumer also speaks of the sale of free Indians into slavery by unscrupulous traders in the Indian towns. These are many of the causes and sentiments for the origins of the Yamassee War of 1715-1716. Virtually every Indian community took part in the rebellion.
On April 15th, 1715, ninety percent of the traders working in the Indian towns were killed. In the process, 40 colonists were killed. South carolina mustered an army under General George Chicken. Per Blumer, The Indians suffered a defeated at Goose Creek, and the Catawba and their allies had second thoughts about the war. On July 19th, 1715, the Catawba sued for peace. . . on October 18th, 1715, a delegation [of Catawba] went to Williamsburg, Virginia. A second conference was called on Feburary 4th, 1716. Virginia Governor Spotswood wanted the Catawba headmen to deliver their sons of their headmen to Fort Christanna. This exchange occurred by April of 1717. The end of the war occurred when the last of the Yamassee fled to Fort Augustine, Florida. Those not lucky enough to flee were sold into slavery. It is thought some of the Yamassee took shelter with the Catawba, and some with the Creek. But their tribe is now considered extinct as a nation. (9)

King Haigler
KingHaigler (also known as Nopkehee) was born about 1700. King Whitmannetaugehehee was king during the time of the Yamassee War. As a result of the Catawban participation in the Yamassee War, the Catawba were to deliver young men to Fort Christanna as ransom, also to be educated. Dr. Blumer suspects Nopkehee might have been one of these eleven based upon his age. King Haigler is the most famous of the Catawba rulers.
First, Haigler is noted for helping to negotiate a treaty of peace with the Six Nations. These are the Iroquois of New York and neighboring Canada. For mnay years, a war had been going on between the Iroquois in New York and the Catawba and related bands in the Carolinas and Virginia (10). These wars were intensified after the defeat of the Tuscarora and their emigration to New York. In June 1751 King Haigler and 5 other Catawba elders and a translated. They left Charleston, South Carolina, aboard the HMS Scorpion, arriving in New York harbor on June 7th, 1751, at Fort George. They arrived at Albany, New York, the site of the conference, on June 30th. According to Blumer, the Mohawk forced the Catawba to dance with their feathers pointing down in humiliation. King Haigler and King Hendrick of the Mohawk smoked a peace pipe. When the Six Nations presented King Haigler with a wampum belt, the peace was final.
Per Blumer a delegation of Iroquois visited the Catawba the next year, 1752. Blumer then adds that “During this period, the Cherokee invited the Catawba to incorporate with them and King Haigler refused.”
He spoke against the evils of alcohol, and against dual justice, that is, one set of laws for the White man and one for the Indians. He defended women as vital for every nation. In 1756, he signed a treaty with the Colony of Virginia. Blumer says “He still maintained his residence at Pine tree Hill, the ancient location of Cofitachique.” But the world of the Catawba was in decline, their numbers shrinking. He tried to get some of the former tributary tribes to move in with them, and some did. Others were, however, slowly becoming assimilated into White culture. Speaking of White Culture, settlers ee encroaching onto his lands and he was powerless to stop them. A great tragedy occurred in 1759, when half of the Catawba Nation died of Small Pox (11).
Per Blumer, “A second high point in King Haigler's career came when he negotiated the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 70 miles to the north of the Waxhaw Old Fields on the banks of the Catawba River. About 16 miles west of what was soon to become the village of Lancaster.” In 1760, per the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill, he ceded most of the 55,000 square-mile land base of the Catawba. Settlers had already moved onto most of it, anyway. He was able to keep two million aces near the Waxhaw Old Fields.
On August 30, 1763, King Hagler was traveling from his town to visit the Waxhaws. The story goes that he was attacked by seven Shawnee, shot six times, and scalped. This crime occurred only months before King Hagler was to attend a Treaty signing at Augusta, Georgia. His death was convenient for both Carolinas. Also the terms of the Pine Tree Hill Treaty were conveniently lost. Colonel Ayers, inexperienced, represented the Catawba in Augusta. Instead of keeping two milling acres, the Catawba lands dwindled down to 15 square miles (12).

Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 1760
At the time of first contact between the Catawba and Associated Bands and the Europeans in 1521, the Catawba and Associated bands claimed a land base of 55,000 square miles. After the 1570s, the Spanish interest in their nation waned. They made a few attempts at establishing a colony on the Carolina coast, and a few slave raiding expeditions came north from the Spanish Caribbean. After Father Montero left in the 1570's, little effort was made to convert the Indians to the Christian faith.
There was a hundred luff in contact with Europeans, until about 1670, and the arrival of the English. Every emigrant who landed at Charleston, South Carolina, took a parcel of Catawba land. There were many thousands of settlers, some of whom took hundreds of acres of land. After only 90 years, by 1760, most Catawba lands were cone, and few Catawba remained, scattered in pockets, with the ancient capital Cofitachique at a place now called Camden, still their capital, although by 1760 it was called “Pine Tree Hill”. With the nation but a fragment of its former glory, King Haigler realized a need for a new treaty in the hopes that it would prevent more settlers from claiming his nation's lands
The Catawba agreed to abandon Pine Tree Hill and move north to the Waxhaw Old Fields, near prsent day Lancaster, South Carolina. The text of the treaty has been lost (some say conveniently). By the terms of the treaty, the Catawba lost their lands in Virginia and much of both Carolinas. King Haigler did keep two million acres of land however, for the Catawba. Much ancestral lands, were gone for ever, from central North Carolina to Danville, Virginia(13).
Blumer's only description of the lands the Catawba kept say “They kept control of two million acres centered in a circle around the Waxhaw Old Fields.” Blumer goes on to say “Thinking the Indian way, he kept Catawba hunting rights to all of South Carolina” (14).
Although the treaty no longer exists. Somewhere there must be a record of what it included, as Dr. Blumer continues to describe what was in the treaty. He says that South Carolina Governor Bull agreed to prevent White settlers from moving to within thirty miles of any Catawba settlement, and to remove those who trespassed within those limits.
The Catawba immediately moved to the region provided for them, around the Waxhaw Old Fields. Blumer says it s thought both North Carolina and Virginia went unmentioned in the treaty, however much of the land ceded by the Catawba was in their realms. Both states immediately siezed the lands permitting settlers access to it.
In reality, North Carolina settlers had already moved onto some of the lands reserved to the Catawba, and since the treaty wasn't signed by North Carolina's Governor Dobbs, he didn't feel compelled to obey it. South Carolina had promised to build a fort to protect the Indians, but didn't do so for many years. When Catawba hunters fanned out about South Carolina for fur trading, mobs of Whites bat them and stole their furs. So much for hunting rights. With King Haigler's murder in 1763, the whole treaty came under question. Apparently the Catawba lost even most of the two million acres they were supposed to receive. In 1979 an an unsuccessful attempt was made to find a copy of the treaty, unsuccessfully.
Blumer states, “As it stands, what little we know of the treaty is learned from secondary sources” (15). It is believed the circular dotted line from the map below was the Catawba Naton per the Pine Tree Hill Treaty of 1760, nad it is known the 1763 treaty reduced their lands to the diamond shaped lands on the map below, where the letters CN are centered.


The circular dashed line on the NC/SC border is a approximation of the the two million acre region  that King Haiglar negotiated in the 1760 Pine Tree Hill treaty that has been lost. The diamont shaped region insie the circle labeled "CN" is the fifteen square mile region renegotiated in 1763.

Augusta Treaty, 1763
Please know in 1759 a Small Pox epidemic killed off about half of the Catawba Nation. It was the year after this great loss that King Haigler signed the Pine Tree Hill Treaty. During those years they had also aligned themselves with the English during the French and Indian War. Per Blumer, they were nervously watching settlers move closer and closer. Just 3 years after the Pine Tree Hill Treaty, the Catawba were back at the negotiating table, ready to sign another treaty. All the Southern Indians were to participate in the treaty negotiating.
In July of 1763 the King of England issued a proclamation to the colonies that only the British Crown could purchase Indian lands.
The Catawba arrived in Savannah on October13, 1763 with a delegation of 60 men, women and children. By the end of October, the Chickasaw, Creek, Choctaw, and lastly Cherokee arrived around Savannah. King Haigler had just died 2 months earlier, and their contingent was headed by Colonel Ayers. In three years the Catawba had signed 2 treaties, one in which their land base went from 55,000 square miles down to 2,000,000 acres, and the second in which they could claim only 15 square miles, or 144,000 acres. It is easy to blame Col. Ayers, but he was not as experienced as King Haigler. I suspect he did his best, and the English probably used his lack of experience against him. Had Haigler lived, perhaps they might have retained more land. We may never know (16).
Blumer quotes part of the treaty transcripts: “The Catawba's are all of one mind . . . His land was all spoiled. He had lost a great deal both by scarcity of Buffalo and Deer. They have spoiled him 100 miles every way and never paid him. His hunting lands formerly extended to the Pedee River, but is driven right to the Catawba Nation.
If he could kill any deer he would carry the meat to his family and the skiins to the White People . . .”
Little of the treaty actually concerns the Catawba:
i.] We, the Catawba headmen and warriors . . . declare that we will remain satisfied with the tract of land fifteen miles square. ii.] The Catawbas shall not in any respect be molested by any of the King's subjects. iii.] Their lands are to be surveyed and iv.] they are allowed to hunt off tribal lands (17)

The American Revolution
The Revolutionary war puzzled the Catawba. They did not understand the settlers fighting one another. The Catawba by this time were ruled by King Frow. Preparations for war by neighboring South Carolinians worried King Frow. He sent two runners to Charleston to find out what was going on. South Carolina let them know that they expected the Catawba to side with the state, and they were also expected to send a delegation to secure the allegiance of the Cherokee.
King Frow soon abdicated, and was replaced by General New River. He was said to have been a “war hero of great merit.”
About this time the Catawba sent a delegation to Charlotte, North Carolina, and were present at the Declaration of Charlotte. At this moment, there was no turning back. Another warrior is mentioned – Pine Tree Ceorge, a war captain. As in days and years gone by, the men danced and fasted, and the women combed the mens hair in bear grease. The men decorated their heads with deer tails, which identified them as loyal to the Revoutionaries.In October 1775, 25 Catawba enlisted under Samuel Boykin.I February 1776 Boykin commanded 34 Catawbas and was used in the Low-country to round up run away slaves.In August 1776, 20 Catawba fought beside Colonel AndrewWilliamson's men against the Cherokee. Per Blumer, many Revolutionary War records are sketchy and are probably incomplete (18).
One major event during the American Revolution that involved the Catawba was during the summer of 1780. At this time, the English took the city of Charleston from the Colonists. They were aware of the sentiment of the rebel's in the area of Charlotte, North Carolina. On May 29th, the English massacred a group of American soldiers at the Waxhaws, where the Catawba lived. Later, camden fell to the British on August 16, 1780. As by now the English were aware of the Catawba participation in the war. With the fall of Camden noting stood between the Catawba towns nad the British Army. Having seen them massacre American troops who had surrendered, the Catawba decided to evacuate their homes. (19).
The entire Catawba Nation fled to the north in August, 1780. Dr. Blumer provides a map of their route. They fled north, through Charlottte and Salisbury, North Carolina. Dr. Blumer thinks they then head for Danville, Virginia. He says “The land around Danville was still occupied by Catawban speakres, and was once claimed by Cofitachique when the Catawban realm consisted of 55,000 square miles through the Carolinas and the mountains of Southern Virginia. Today we know the Indians who inhabit this area as the Monacans.” We also know that there were others in the area, people known as “Melungeons”. From Danville their route is unknown. It is thought their final destination was somewhere between Danville and Roanoke, Virginia. Some think they went to live near the Pamunkey as a Pamunkey family is later found living with the Catawba. Blumer also says “In any case the Catawba women and children were far from harm, perhaps in some unsettled hamlet such as the modern Catawba, Virginia, which is only five miles west of Roanoke.” Dr. Blumer goes on to tell us at that time, 1780, Roanoke had not been settled yet. Blumer says they returned home in 1781 with the Army of General Greene. He quotes David Hutchinson: “When General Greene turned south, the Indians brought their women and children from Virginia and dispatched some of their numbers to bring word as to the situation of the property they had left. They received word from Charlotte about thirty miles from their towns, that all was gone; cattle, hogs, fowl, ect, all gone . . . (20).

All references from --
The Catawba Nation: Treasures in History, Thomas Blumer,
(1) p.13
(2) p. 18
(3) p. 20-21.
(4) p.21-22
(5) p. 23-24
(6) p. 25-27
(7) p. 28
(8) p. 29-30
(9) p. 31-32
(10) p. 33
(11) p. 34
(12) p. 34-35
(13) p. 36
(14) p. 37
(15) p. 38
(16) p. 39-40
(17) p. 41
(18) p. 42-43
(19) p.44

(20) p. 47

Monday, September 1, 2014

Relationship Between the Catawba and the Chickasaw

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE CATAWBA AND THE CHICKASAW

PART ONE: THE CHICKASAW OF SOUTH CAROLINA

There was a historical relationship between the Catawba and the Chickasaw that is not well known. In researching my own family, in trying to discover owr own American Indian blood, I have run across many things that perhaps have little or nothing to do with my own family – I really don't know. I have tried to research all the locations where my family lived and in doing so researched the American Indian people who had lived in the same areas. This research brought me in contact with both the Catawba and the Chickasaw. I discovered some interesting relationships between the two tribes. Recently online I say a facebook entrance about an old map drawn by the Chickasaw on deer hide. I recalled a similar old Catawba map, also drawn in deer hide. All of these things resulted in the present research and blog posting about the relationship betwee the two tribes.


The Chickasaw are found in historic times from the eastern shore of the Mississippi River to Northwestern Alabama, and from Western Tennessee to the Northern half of Mississippi.


http://www.accessgenealogy.com/native/chickasaw-indians.htm


Per the above website, a band of the Chickasaw first moved to the area around Augusta Georgia from about 1723 to the time of the American Revolution.


http://www.accessgenealogy.com/native/south-carolina-indian-tribes.htm


According to the website above, a band of the Chickasaw settled near Augusta, Georgia in the early 18th century. By 1753 or 1757 (the website mentions both dates, I suspect one of them is a typo) they moved to the Carolina side of the Savannah River. After the revolutionary War, they lost the title to their lands.


http://www.tolatsga.org/chick.html


One group moved east during 1723 at the invitation of South Carolina and settled on the Savannah River near Augusta, Georgia. They remained until 1783 when their lands were confiscated for their support of the British during the American Revolution. The eastern band spent a few years among the Creeks in eastern Alabama before rejoining the main body in northern Mississippi.


But there is also a state recognized Chickasaw Tribe in South Carolina today. They were recognized by the state of South Carolina in 2005.


http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/18620736/south-carolina-recognizes-chalokiowa-chickasaw


I don't know if the modern state recognized tribe is related to the main body of the Chickasaw or not. There was a time the Lumbee, who are related to the Catawba and Saura, were called “Cherokee”. We now know it was North Carolina politicians that gave them that name, and that they knew all along they were not Cherokee. Perhaps the name “Chickasaw” is used for the same reason the Lumbee were once called “Cherokee”.


Wikipedia adds the following:


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chaloklowa_Chickasaw


The Chaloklowa Chickasaw claim descent from a group of 50 Chickasaws who moved into South Carolina at the state's request in the 18th century, and they give the following as a source: Lippert and Spignesi 102. They say “Chalokiowa” means “turkey” in the Chickasaw language. They are based out of Hemingway, South Carolina.


As with many things, I remain skeptical of this modern day band of Chickasaw in South Carolina. But I don't know enough about them to deny their claim either. I looked “Hemingway” up on a map, and it looks like they lived where the pee-Dee Indians were last recorded, in Eastern South Carolina. Personally, until I see more evidence, I would suspect them to more likely be a remnant of the Pee Dee than of the Chickasaw. I could be wrong about this and freely admit it.


But I don't want this modern group to be confused with an earlier group who did settle on the South Carolina/Georgia, on the Savannah River, who were known to have been Chickasaw. This earlier group of Chickasaw Indians was invited by the South Carolina government to live along the Savannah River near Augusta in 1823, and they lost those same lands in 1783 because they chose to side with the English during the Revolutionary War. Most historians think these Chickasaw in South Carolina moved back to the Chickasaw Nation in Mississippi and Alabama. Apparently some South Carolinians think they went east.


PART TWO: THE CATAWBA WANTED TO BE ADOPTED BY THE CHICKASAW



From “The Catawba Indians, People of the River” by Douglas Summers Brown, Brown writes p. 323 that congress appropriated money for the Catawba to go to Oklahoma in 1848. Chief James Kegg wrote a letter to the president of the United States asking for permission to move to the west. Brown doubts however, that the president ever saw the letter. Brown says the government asked the Western Cherokee if the Catawba might live amongst them. Brown says John Ross replied emphatically, NO! But, Brown says, the Catawba themselves asked for permission to settle amongst the Chickasaw in Oklahoma. Quoting Brown, “The Western Chickasaw . . . had at one time invited the Catawba to settle amongst them. Government representatives promptly opened up negotiations with the Chickasaw among whom, the agent was told, some of the Catawba's descendants had already settled.” Continuing, it says, “The principle men of the tribe assured the agent that the Catawba would be welcome, but only the council had the right to invite them officially. But when a Chickasaw Council meeting was held in February of 1849, the Catawba proposal was voted down. This change of sentiment was attributed to the sudden death of old Chief Albertson, a strong advocate of the Catawbas.” I have found "Isaac Albertson's" name on several Chickasaw treaties starting in October 1832. 

http://digital.library.okstate.edu/kappler/Vol2/treaties/chi0356.htm

Did Chief Albertson descend from one of the Chickasaw who were living with/near the Catawba in the 1750s? I will continue to research these things.


Well, since one branch of my genealogy seems to go back to Fort Christanna, where a several bands of the Catawba, under the name Saponi, had been sent, and since my family later migrated to the Chickasaw Nation, this reference got my attention. I had an ancestor at Fort Gibson in the 1840s, but as far as I know, NOT the Chickasaw Nation, where were are located in the late 1880s, so the years are off. But it was sooooo close. Too bad . . .Still I was interested in this topic. Why had the Chickasaw ever invited the Catawba to live among them in the first place? What did they have in commom? The only common denominator seems to have been that at one time, from the 1720s to the 1780s, a small band of Chickasaw that had lived near the Catawba. Maybe there was something about that time frame that provided some friendship between the otherwise unrelated tribes.


https://archive.org/details/unitedstatescon666offigoog
United States Congressional Serial Set


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PART THREE: THE CATAWBA AND CHICKASAW IN SOUTH CAROLINA



Well, what did the two tribes, the Catawba and the Chickasaw, have in common, if anything , in South Carolina? Now I have been doing a lot of research about the history of the Eastern Siouan bands. I had been looking for every old map I could get my hands on. One map, dated 1750, actually showed some Chickasaw living with the Catawba!


The “Chicasaw” are next to the Wateree in 1750. These have to be the Chickasaw who were near Augusta. This is a map of the Catawba towns in 1750. In a few years a great Small Pox epidemic will kill half of the Catawba people, and their numbers had already been declining.

The 1756 treaty offers a small insight. One provision of the treaty, Catawba Chief Haigler (whom the treaty also calls Arataswa) states, “We are in perfect amity with the Cherokees, Cowetaws and Chickasaws. The Cherokees have ever been our Friends, and as they are a numerous Nation, we acknowledge them to be our elder Brother.” Here Haggler acknowledges the Cherokee as a powerful tribe. The Coweta's are a major band of the Creek Indians. But Chief Haggler also speaks of the Chickasaw as their friends. This is only 6 years after the map showing some Chickasaw as living within the Catawba Nation in their own town. We know there were some Chickasaw in South Carolina at least until 1783. Some say they went back to Mississippi/Mississippi and others say some of them remained in South Carolina after that date. 


I will keep looking for any communication between the Chickasaw and the Catawba between the years 1756 and 1846 when according to the Catawba, the Chickasaw had previously invited them to reside amongst them. However that invitation was taken off the table.


Saturday, July 19, 2014

Sequoyah's Last Days

THE STORY OF SEQUOYAH'S LAST DAYS

I remember as a child there was an elderly man, a Mr. Estes, who lived across the street. He was a sort of a local historian, and I remember him talking about finding old beads and other things just west of the town of Warren in Northern Jackson County, not far from the North Fork of the Red. He said there used to be an old trading post there. Then when I read about this narrative of Sequoyah's last days it mentions a 'Warren's Trading Post'. I have wondered for years if the two were one and the same. I also wondered if they had confused Cache Creek for the North Fork of the Red. I have finally looked into it the last 2 or 3 weeks. As with most of my research, it is disappointing. They appear to be two different places. But also as with much of my research, what I find is still very interesting.

 The story of Sequoyah's last trip to Mexico in 1842 was told by the Worm. William P. Ross was at editor of the Cherokee Nation newspaper, The Cherokee Advocate. He was a nephew to Chief John Ross (1).

This article was reproduced in “Chronicles of Oklahoma” under the title 'The Story of Sequoyah's Last Days' in March 1934, Vol. 12, no. 1. Much of that reproduction is below. There is a map (8) in the notes section at the end of this report. Unfortunately #'s 8 and 9 are out of order. I hope to put them in the correct order soon.

The Narrative of Oo-Chee-Ah (The Worm)

Sequoyah came to my house in the spring of 1842, to give me notice that, the next time he visited my house, he would tell me for what purpose he should want me to be with him. After this notification, he went to the neighborhood of Park Hill; and, on returning, came to my house after dark and spent the night with me. The next morning he addressed me, saying:—"We are good friends. You are well acquainted with the country and homes of the different western tribes. I wish to travel amongst them and am desirous that you shall go with me, by all means. In three days, we shall start." The day after the visit, I went to his house, some eight miles off; when he asked me, if I felt willing to go with him, and were preparing to start? I replied that I was willing to go, but did not wish to start until I could get my gun lock fixed, as it was out of order. He told me not to mind about the gun, but just to bring my horse, saddle and bridle, and that he would furnish me with a gun and other things for traveling. He admonished me to say nothing about whither I was going, but if asked, simply to reply, on a visit. Shortly after this we started, went to Park Hill, where we spent some days with Archibald Campbell. At Park Hill, he procured for me a gun and other things, from Mr. Lewis Ross (2).

We pursued our journey, and crossed the Arkansas a short distance below Fort Gibson. There were nine in company with three pack horses, to-wit: George Guess, his son, Tesa Guess, myself, John Elijah, Oo-wo-so-ti, Cah-ta-ta, Nu-wo-ta-na, Talla-too, and Co-tes-ka, a youth.

After crossing the Arkansas, Sequoyah said, as we have to travel through a wilderness country where there are no roads or paths, and as you are well acquainted with the country, I wish you take the lead, and go the most direct route to the tribes living on Red River. This I did. After traveling beyond Little River, we struck a road leading to Red River, which we kept, with occasional intermissions in circuitous places, for fifteen days before coming to the latter River, traveling at a moderate pace through the prairies. Across Red River, Sequoyah said, "Now that we are in good hunting grounds, we will travel on, stopping a day, or two, now and then, to hunt;" and inquired where was the nearest Indian village? I pointed to the west, and told him it was some distance. He requested me then to inform him where good water could be found, that he and the rest of the company could stay at, until myself and two of the young men could visit the village. This I did; and was absent twelve days in visiting the villages, where I found Wacoes, Caddoes and Wichetaws, the principal inhabitants; Echa-sis, Hi-ye-ni-his, Nuntagoos, who are living in neighboring villages, but speak different languages. (3)

Comment on the Narrative

Hasanai is a Caddoan band, and it is possible the Hiyenihi's are the same people I found a reference where it said some Caddo moved to Indian Territory that the government had created North of Red River. That's a stretch, though.

I have found a reference mentioning the Keechi at the mouth of Cache Creek. It is known the Wichita proper were at Devils Canyon, with the North Fork of Red River to their west and the Quartz Mountains to their east. Most Indian Villages were at locations that could be easily defended. And with the Mountain on one side and the river on the other, they would have time to defend themselves, meaning they had a wise Principle chief. However this is a location far from the mouth of Cache Creek.

But those other tribal towns mentioned by the Worm, I am afraid to say I have never heard of them in any other reference. Who were the Echasis, the Hi-ye-ni-his, and the Nuntagoos? I am just getting to know some people at the Oklahoma Historical Society, so I will ask around. Nuntagoo—A-nun-da-go – A-na-dar-ko? At this website – http://digital.library.okstate.edu/encyclopedia/entries/A/AN001.html – they are called “Nadaco” and today are a part of the Caddo Nation. Na-da-co<=> Nunt-a-goo => the two are very similar. (4) I suspect these Indians along the Cache Creek might have been partially Caddoan, and perhaps Wichitan as well, mixed together. They might have been spread from Cache Creek all the way to the North Fork of the Red in the Quartz Mountain area.

Back to the Narrative of the Worm

By these Indians we were well treated. The object in visiting them was to ascertain, at Sequoyah's request, whether there were any Cherokees among them, or near by, from Mexico. The village spoken of was the Wichetaw village—crossed Red River just below the mouth of Cache Creek. We found no Cherokees living among the Wichitaws, but learned that some were living on the Washitaw (9). On our return, we arrived at the camp late in the day, and found Sequoyah very sick; he sat up that evening and addressed me, saying, "My friend, I am sorry that on getting back you find me in this situation; I have been sick and eat nothing for eight days, as we have nothing that suits my taste. I hope, my friend, you will procure something that I can eat." His son then asked him if he would eat, offering him some honey and venison, of which they had an abundance, but these he declined, wanting bread, but there was none. I then gave him some wild plums, which I had gathered on my return.— Of these he ate freely and felt refreshed. It was now night.

Comment on Narrative

Sequoyah was clearly dying. He had not eaten for 8 days. He didn't want venison or wild honey, but he would eat wild plums. I would like for a professional doctor to read these things and determine what was the cause of his illness.

Back to the Worm's Narrative

I determined to start the next morning and return to the Wichetaw village, four days' travel distant, to procure bread and other things, if possible, that the old man could eat. Observing me make ready, he enquired if I were going back to the village? and when informed of my determination to do so, approved the plan and requested that I should go and return in my former route; as he and the rest of the company would follow on, if he should be able to ride, and we should thus meet some sooner again. While sick, and at other times, when not traveling, he was constantly writing. On the morning of the fifth day after leaving Sequoyah, the second time, myself and company arrived at the Wichetaw village, where we bought about three bushels of corn at three dollars per bushel, packed it on our horses and immediately started back. On the evening of the third day of our return, my horse gave out, but fortunately, we met Sequoyah and party. It was then determined to encamp, and hunting up a shady place with good water, a fire was immediately made and the men began to prepare some food, which he was very impatient to obtain. He ate freely of bread, honey, and a kind of hominy. After eating he felt much refreshed, requested a pipe and some tobacco; smoked, expressed himself much better and then requested to lie down, that he might stretch his weary limbs for rest. I took a seat close by him and inquired what was his complaint. He replied, that he had been taken with a pain in the breast, which extended to different parts of his body, but that he felt so much refreshed from eating, he thought he should now soon get well, by the aid of diet. Feeling so well that evening, and wishing to continue on to the village, as some of the company were anxious to buy horses, he proposed to rest the next day at this camp and on the day following, go forward to some water course, where we should spend a couple of days—thinking by this time he would be able to travel. It was his purpose not to remain long among the Wichetaws, but to return to the timbered country, where we could hunt.

Comment on the Narrative

It says Sequoyah had some chest pains that extended to other parts of his body. Maybe a heart attack or congestive heart failure? The Worm keeps calling him “the old man”. He was clearly elderly and in poor health.

I am at conflict here. The narrative keeps calling these Indians the Wichita. Sequoyah's son Teesee had lived with the Texas Cherokee, and they lived next to the Caddo, and Teesee was along with his father, Sequoyah. He woyuld NOT have confused the Wichita with the Caddo. To my knowledge, the Wichita Village was 40-50 miles to the west, and as further miles north of the mouth of Cache Creek. Were these the Keechi? Was there a second Wichita Village?

Back to the Narrative

After the expiration of the time allowed above for rest, he hurried on, that he might soon return, to the hunting grounds—his health continued to improve. On the second morning after the meeting noticed above, the company left the camp, traveled part of a day—came to a water course, where we encamped two nights and a day, and then set out for the village, at which we arrived, after travelling nearly three days. We came to the village of the Echasi, in the neighborhood of the other villages. Soon after arriving and encamping, the head man of the Echasi, called by the Cherokees, Oo-till-ka, or the man who has a feather in his head, came to the camp, met us as his friends, said that he was very sorry to find the old man so sick, and that he would take him to his lodge, where he could take care of him. He would not talk much to him, for fear of wearying him while sick, but busied himself in providing such nourishing food as he could eat. This chief is very kind to all strangers. The next morning after breakfast, the Chief told the company to visit any of the villages, as if at home, without ceremony, and to buy such things as they wished. This they did, visited all the villages and did not return until late in the evening. The following morning after breakfast awhile, a messenger arrived from the Chief of the most remote village, that of the Wichetaws, 4 miles off, inviting the company to his lodge, as he should have something for them to eat. His invitation was accepted and the company, excepting myself and young Guess, who stayed with the old man, accompanied back the messenger, and spent the day with the Wichetaws. About noon of this day, Sequoyah became much better and requested that the Chief with whom he was staying, might come into the lodge set apart for him. Oo-till-ka did so, took a seat near by where Sequoyah was seated, and said to him: "I am glad to see you in my lodge. I am friendly with all of the tribes north of me, and meet them always as friends. I am glad to inform you that though, all these tribes were once at war against each other, they have made treaties of peace and now hold each other so firmly by the hand that nothing can separate them." He said further, that, on the day previous, he and the principal men of the six neighboring villages, had met together and he was glad to have an opportunity, now, to converse a little with him upon those things about which they had met in council—which were concerning the peace and friendship existing between the different tribes; but as they had no good interpreter, what had already passed was as much as they could expect. Sequoyah seemed to be very weak, he proposed that he should lie down again and rest, which he did.

Then a messenger came to Oo-till-ka, to inform him of the arrival, at a neighboring village, of a Texan runner, inviting them to meet the Texans in council, near the Waco old-village.—The Chief then told Sequoyah that he would talk more with him in the morning, when he was stronger, but would now go to see the Texan. He left. Sequoyah continued laying until evening, (the chief not having yet returned,) when he again set up.

Comment on the Narrative

Sequoyah's visit occurred while the Anadarko were living north of Red River. They were clearly Caddoan, then. It mentions six villages, Echasi being the one that Sequoyah got to know the best. I have found little more about the Esachi that this comment by the Worm. I will keep looking.

Back to the Narrative

Sequoyah then inquired of me whether I did not think it would be better for the young men of our company, to return, as they might become sick by remaining in the village? I replied that I should agree in his opinions.

The next morning Sequoyah said to our company, "My friends, we are a long way from our homes; I am very sick, and may long remain so before I recover. To-morrow therefore, I wish you all to return home, but my son and Worm, who will journey on with me. I wish you to consent to my proposal; for should we all continue on and some of you be taken sick, it will not be within our power to give such proper attention." To this request they acceded, and took leave. Sequoyah, his son and myself, then prepared to resume our journey, which we did after Sequoyah had talked a little with the Chief, Oo-till-ka, and made him some presents of tobacco and other small articles.

At the instance of Sequoyah, we took our former route, on the sixth day arrived at the place selected by him as a camping ground, where we spent four days in hunting and then went on until we came to a water course, at which Sequoyah wished to rest some days for the purpose of bathing himself and that a supply of honey might be obtained. He said, at this place, that his health was improving, but he was afflicted still with pains, and a cough, which had the effect to weaken him. After four days' rest, we made ready to start; He then said to me, "My friend, we are here, in the wilderness; do not get tired of me, I desire to reach the Mexican country. You know the course." Being assured of my willingness to go with him, he requested me to take the course—which I did. Travelling on five days more, he again said to us, "You will not get tired of me, altho' sick? If I die you can do what seems best, but while alive be guided by me." Continuing on for ten days, we came to a water course, where we rested four days. A few days after, while encamped on a river, the report of guns was heard and then a drum. In descending the river to discover who were so near us, we came upon a road along which some persons had just passed. When apprised of this, Sequoyah determined to follow on the next morning, and overtake them.

We then took the road and when we overtook them, found them to be Shawnees, and with whom we encamped that night. The next morning, the Shawnees inquired of Sequoyah, where he was going? He replied, that he had a great anxiety to visit the country of the Mexicans, but should return in a short time. The Shawnees stated that they were on a hunting expedition, that he could proceed on his way and, if he found any thing interesting, they would be glad to hear it on his return. He then inquired of them the direction of the nearest Mexican towns, or villages? which they pointed out in the same course, Sequoyah remarked, that I had been pointing. We then started and travelled six days in succession, when we stopped—with the intention of hunting a few days, but the old man determined to proceed directly on until we came to a larger water course. We proceeded on until a while after sun up, and having crossed a mountain, we came to a small branch but passed on, till we reached a very beautiful, bubbling spring, where the company halted. While still mounted, a number of bees came to the spring, when Sequoyah said, "As we are neither runaways nor in such a hurry, but that we can stop and look for some honey;" and requested me to hand him some water.

We encamped at the spring—soon after pulling the saddles off our horses, Young Guess walked away a short distance, and found a bee tree. We spent two nights at this spring. The second night that we encamped there, some Tewockenee Indians came upon us, and stole all our horses; we pursued some distance and could probably have overtaken them, but were afraid to leave the old man long alone, and so returned to the camp. The next morning he requested us to take him to some safe hiding place; to secrete our effects in the tops of trees, and proceed straight to the village of the Tewockenees. After complying with the first part of his request, he altered his determination, and told us not to go in search of our horses which might be some time or other recovered, but to proceed directly to the Mexican settlements, where probably we could obtain other horses.

Comment on the Narrative

Sequoyah thought they were getting tired of following an old sick man, and asked his friend the Worm and is son Teesee only to remain with him. He had first travelled west to see if there were any Cherokee amongst the Indians on Red River. Finding none, he wants to go south to see if there are any Cherokees along the Mexican border. He comes across some Shawnee. Some 'Tewockenee” Indians stole their horses. That is a band of the Wichita, and it was said they were living on the Brazos at this time. They are usually called Tawakoni's. The Wichita's along and North of Red River had been friendly, but those in Texas stole from him. Some things don't change.

Back to the Narrative

We set out on foot in the evening, leaving the old man alone. Travelling on some four miles, Young Guess and myself came to a river called Mauluke, which could not be crossed. We ascended it some distance, until late in the evening and then encamped for the night: in the morning made a raft, crossed the river, proceeded that day a short distance, and again encamped. About noon, the day following, while eating, the reports of many guns were heard in the direction of our route. We immediately proceeded on at a rapid rate till we cleared the mountains and, coming to a prairie, saw the tracks of a wagon.—Here we halted and spent some time, I having advised my companion that we had perhaps, better not proceed to the town until towards night.

I felt convinced that we were lost, but was unwilling to express an indisposition to proceed on, lest my companion should consider me cowardly. We however, pushed on until we came within about one hundred yards of the town, when hearing a good deal of talking, we stopped and, listening, heard none but the Spanish language. Having turned around and walked back a short distance, we encamped for the night, determined not to go into the Fort until morning. This night we did not sleep much as the firing of guns was kept up throughout the night. The place was San Antonio. In the morning, proceeding into Town, we were not perceived by any one until we got in some distance, when we met with two soldiers, who came up, shook our hands friendly and requested us to follow them. We did so, until met by an officer who, inviting the soldiers and ourselves to follow him, conducted us around a considerable portion of San Antonio to a store, where the people were drinking. The officer having entered the store for a few seconds, told us to follow him to the quarters of the commanding officer, and informed us that we were then in a situation that we could do nothing, intimating that we were prisoners.

Upon entering the quarters of the commanding officer, he seated himself upon the opposite side of the room from that occupied by ourselves and the soldiers and others who crowded around us. Remaining silent for sometime, and then pacing the room to and fro, this officer at length, came to us and inquired, of what tribe we were, and when informed, declared that he did not at all like the Cherokees, because they had been, a short time previous warring against the Texans. When apprised, that we resided on the Arkansas, within the limits of the U. S., and that we wished to borrow horses, ours having been stolen by the Tewockenees, he repeated his dislike of the Cherokees, and said, he had no horses to lend, and that the Tewockenees and other tribes, some of whom were doubtless prowling about the neighborhood that day, had stolen many of their horses. He further inquired, whether we had any pass-ports? and when told none, said, they were necessary. To which it was replied, that we were ignorant of the fact, as we had frequently visited the towns and settlements of the whites in Arkansas, without ever having any demanded of us. We were also told by him that they would have fired upon and killed us had it not been for the caps on our heads, which alone saved us, as the neighboring tribes go with bare heads.

Sometime was spent in conversation with the officer, who became quite friendly, and gave us tobacco, pass-ports, and a very good axe, that we might bring thereafter a quantity of honey. He also admonished us to be on our guard, in going about the country, as there were many hostile persons among the wild tribes. We then parted.

In going through the town some of the women called and invited us to take something to eat, but we told them we could not, being in a great hurry—soon after leaving the town, met three or four soldiers, riding very sorry ponies, who also told us to be on the look out, as there were many Comanches about. After leaving them we began to travel pretty fast, and kept increasing our speed until we got into a run, and throwing away the borrowed axe—travelled a great distance that day, for fear that the Texans might intend to entrap or take some advantage of us.



Comment on the Narrative

They leave Sequoyah behind and arrive in San Antonio. They don't trust the Texan's, and flee the city for fear of them. They return to where they had left Sequoyah, where his health seems to be returning. By wearing hats, they save their lives from the Texans would have killed them, otherwise. The Plains Indians don't wear hats.



More of the Narrative

The day after leaving San Antonio, we arrived at the camp of Sequoyah, who was well and fast gaining strength. He then requested we should procure him a good supply of provisions, find a secure retreat and set out again, for the Mexican settlements to get horses. A safe retreat was found some three miles from the encampment, he was placed in it and a supply of honey and venison sufficient to last him twenty days procured. The secure retreat was in a cave, which seemed to be above high water; but in case that it should not be, there was a log which he could climb up easily to a more elevated place. Having placed him in this cave, we set out, and travelled on two days; on the third day, which was windy, just as we were approaching a cedar thicket, I happened to look behind, and saw three men coming upon us at full speed. We fell back upon a small patch of timber and threw down our packs for the purpose of defending ourselves; as they came near. I hailed them, and inquired in the Comanche language, if they were friends? They said they were, and immediately threw down their lances and arrows, and came up and shook hands with us, and said as we are friends we will sit down and smoke the pipe.

The Comanches then said, that when they first saw us they supposed us to be Texans by having on caps, but when they got nearer and saw feathers in them, they took us to be Shawnees or Delawares, and that had it not been for the feathers in our caps, they would have fired upon us. This was the second time that feathers in our caps had probably saved our lives—and they had just been placed there by young Guess, who had killed a turkey. After smoking, one of the Comanches returned for their women whom they had left, upon discovering our tracks. They then inquired where we were going, and when informed, said that our route would be very rough and mountainous; but as they were going there themselves, if well, we would all travel together, as they would be able to show us a nearer and better route. This we consented to and travelled with them three days; we then separated, and travelled fourteen consecutive days before reaching the frontier settlements of Mexico. Before reaching the town we came to a river that we could not cross and had to encamp. Not being aware whether we were near any habitations or not, it caused us so much anxiety that we could not sleep—when some time in the night we heard a drum.

In the morning we rose early, and there happening to be a turkey seated on a tree near by, young Guess shot it. This we hastily prepared and ate. Soon as this was over we attempted to cross the river, but could not; we then set about making a raft, but just as we had a couple of logs, a mounted Mexican appeared on the opposite bank—inquired who we were, and informed us that there was a ferry lower down. On arriving at the ferry we found the boat ready and a company of armed men in attendance.



Comment on the Narrative of the Worm

They return to Sequoyah's camp. Secure food and shelter for him, then continue to the Mexican border. Teesee, Sequoyah's son, kills a turkey and they eat it. They put turkey feathers in their hats. Later a troop of Comanche come upon them, and tell then they would have killed them for they wore hats and thought them to me Texan's. But as the Comanche's saw the feathers in their hats they decided not to kill them, thinking they to be Shawnee or Delaware. They agree to travel a while with the Comanche. After continuing with the Comanche for 3 days, they parted ways. They later come across a river that turns out to be the Rio Grande, the border between Texas and Mexico.



The Narrative of the Worm

After crossing, an officer informed us that he would go with us to the principal man of the town, which was about six miles distant; on reaching the town we observed many women washing, who as well as men and boys, immediately gathered around us, being entire strangers, and conducted us into the town. The officer stated the crowd was attracted by curiosity to see us as we were strangers; but had no intention to harm us. He conducted us to the head man of the place. We were led into the house of this man—the crowd that followed us and one that came meeting us, having stopped, at what we supposed to be the limits allowed them.

The town was small—the houses made of large brick—the people dressed in different kinds of costumes. The houses looked odd, being low with flat roofs. Many of the women were very pretty. Thirteen officers were present. Much time was spent in looking up an Interpreter, who was a Spaniard, that spoke English. Soon as the Interpreter came, the Officer inquired who we were? And being informed, said, he was glad to see us, and asked our notions and what object we had in view in visiting Mexico, and also if there were any news of importance from the Texans, whom, he said the Mexicans had a short time before defeated in battle, and taken some three hundred of them prisoners. Having satisfied him on these points, and given him to understand that we had not been dispatched to his town on any special business of a public nature, he expressed the pleasure it gave him and the other officers to see us, and insisted on our remaining that night in the town, as the day was too far gone for us to reach the Cherokee village, which he informed us, was some thirty miles distant. He then had us conducted to a lodging place in the quarters of some soldiers, telling us to call before leaving in the morning, to receive passports.

We remained some time in the house assigned us, and then took seats outside of it, to observe the people and the soldiery, and sentinels on duty. While thus passing away the time, a Mexican approached me silently and touched my back in order to attract my attention towards him. I looked around, and beheld, pierced through with a stick that he had in his hands, a couple of human ears, taken from one of four persons they had killed a short time before. An officer then came and requested us to walk about the town with him; we complied and followed him about for some time.—He conducted us, amongst other places, into a bake shop and into two or three houses, in each of which he gave us to drink of ardent spirits, which he called whisky, but which tasted very different from any we had ever before drunk. Before we had wandered much about the town, I felt lost, owing to the striking resemblance between its different parts. It being after the hour of twelve o'clock, there was but little business doing, as nearly all of the shops were closed. While yet rambling about the place, a soldier came, to request us to go back to our lodgings, upon reaching which we found the soldiers on parade, ready to march off a short distance. By invitation we joined them and kept along with them, until we came to a kind of public square, where there were a number of large kettles containing bread, beef and soup.

From these large pots the waiters served the officers, ourselves, and the soldiers in order, by taking up pieces of meat with a fork and giving it to us in our hands. What was given me I ate through politeness, but with some difficulty, so highly seasoned was it with pepper, some of which I was so unfortunate as to get into my eyes. Early the next morning we met with a man who spoke English, and who conducted us to a place where we obtained a breakfast that an Indian could eat and without cost, for the man who gave it to us said that he could not be behind the Cherokees; he had been much among them without any expense, he could not therefore charge us; but hoped that we would take our meals with him while we remained there.

One last thing. They speak of a drink he says, that the Mexican called 'whiskey', as though he wouldn't have called it whiskey. I suspect it was Taquilla.

More Comments on the Narrative of the Worm

Mexican soldiers traveled with them into Mexico, wanting to know who they were. They told them they were Cherokee and the Mexican's told them of a nearby Cherokee community. Interestingly they say the Mexican people wore a different kind of clothing, and also say the women were very pretty. The clincher is that he ate Mexican food 'out of politeness' saying the food was highly seasoned . .. and he had the misfortune to get some of it into his eyes. He said the next day someone took him to a place where there was a breakfast that an Indian could eat for free. Earlier the Cherokee had fed him and he returned the favor by feeding them for free.

The Narrative of the Worm

This day, we remained in town, but having passports, left the following morning, in company with a Mexican, who went with us to a town called by the Mexicans, "San Cranto," some thirty miles distant. Upon arriving at San Cranto, we were informed that there were a couple of Cherokees in the place, but thinking it would be difficult to find them, we went with our Mexican companion to the house of his brother where we spent the night and by good luck met with our countryman. It gave us great pleasure to see this man, whose name is Standing Rock. He answered a great many questions, and assured us that it would give the Cherokees in Mexico great joy to see their brothers among them, and proposed to accompany us forthwith to their village, about ten miles distant. About seven miles from San Cranto we passed through a small settlement of runaway negroes, some two or three of whom I met with spoke the Cherokee language. Three miles further we arrived at the Cherokee village, situated within a large prairie, in a grove of timber, half a mile wide, and some three miles long, and watered by means of a ditch, from a large spring, some two miles distant.

Our brothers were very glad to see us, and gave us a warm welcome to their little village. Being soon apprised that we came to obtain assistance, to convey in the aged Sequoyah, who was very anxious to visit them, they declared their readiness to afford us company, but could not furnish any horses, as all of their's, save those that were very poor, had died, since they went into Mexico. They, however, promised to borrow some of the horses belonging to the Mexican army, at a neighboring town. But there being none, the commanding officer referred us back to San Cranto, to which place we returned, after two day's resting with the Cherokees. The officer there could lend us but one horse, the others having been taken off a few days before, to some other post, but supplied us, without solicitation, with bread, meat, salt, sugar and coffee, for the journey. The company then, consisting of nine persons, immediately set off with the borrowed horse—crossed the river again at the ferry, and after constant travelling, on the seventeenth night, camped within a few miles of Sequoyah's cave. Much solicitude was felt by us, for the safety of the old man, as we saw much "sign" of the wild Indians on our way. Three men were accordingly sent on in advance, to the Cave, with provisions to relieve his wants, if still alive, and in need.

Mau-luke, we crossed on a raft. Shortly after passing over a very rocky country, we came upon a trail made by wild cattle and horses through a cedar thicket, and along which we discovered the tracks of a man, going in a different direction from ours. These tracks we soon discovered to be those of Sequoyah, from the fact of his being lame. This caused myself and another of the company to hasten to the cave, and gave us no little anxiety, as we discovered that several persons had been but recently along our way.

Arriving at the cave, we met with our advance company, and discovered a log of wood leaning against a tree, and a letter bound to one of its limbs. The Letter was written by Sequoyah in his own native language, and informed us that, after being left alone, he had met with misfortune—the water having rose very high, drove him from his retreat and swept away his store of provisions and almost every thing else; that, under these circumstances he had determined to pursue his journey; that if not too long absent we would be able to find him, as he would fire the grass along his way and the smoke would arise, and that he hoped, although out of provisions, to be able to support life until overtaken by us, as he had cut off meat from the heads of some deer skins. He had no gun, although persuaded to take one when setting out, but relied upon our rifles. We had now great hope of soon overtaking him, as he had been gone but four days. After reading the letter, we immediately started in pursuit, tracked him to the Mauluke, which he had crossed on a raft.

We left this camp and returned to our companions—tracked him to the river, saw where he had sat down, followed down the river and came to a raft he had crossed on; we crossed at the same place, came to one of his former camping grounds, and saw where a horse had been tied; feeling confident that he must have obtained a horse by some means or other, we followed on very fast to another camping ground, where we saw bones, which assured us that he had obtained food likewise. There were many speculations, how he had come by the horse and provisions, some surmising one thing and some another.—From the constant rapidity with which we pushed on, and our long journey, the Mexican horse as well as myself began to get tired; I then selected two men, and sent them ahead, while the rest encamped for the night. The two men kept on until night coming on, they lost his track near a creek, but did not stop, hoping to discover a light. They however passed by his camp, as they supposed from the appearance of the sign late in the evening, and returned. In passing near the river, they heard a horse neigh, and then penetrating into the centre of a thicket in the forks of the river, found him seated by a lonely fire. He was greatly rejoiced to meet them. One of the men remained with him while the other returned, and conducted us next evening to his camp. He expressed the great happiness our return gave him; and said that his mind was relieved of much anxiety, as he had suffered much from sickness, and his lonely situation—fearing that his son and myself had either met with some accident or been killed.

Again expressing the happiness our return gave him, he observed, that, for two days past, he had as much provision as desired, and that we must have remarked his mode of travelling, which was brought about under the following circumstances. While engaged, he said, in making a raft to cross the Mauluke, that he might continue on towards Mexico, he suddenly took a notion that he would walk to the summit of a neighboring hill. Throwing down his tomahawk, he started up the hill, and just as the top was gained, to his great surprise, he came close upon three men, who quickly halting, one of them declared themselves to be "Delawares," and to which he replied, "I am a Cherokee." They camped with him that night, and gave him some of their victuals and partook of his honey. In the morning, the Delawares said to him, "Come, let us now return to our own villages, we will take you to your own door." He replied, "No, I have sent forward two young men to the Mexican country, whom I shortly expect back; I am anxious to visit that country. Go with me there. We will shortly return to our own country." Finding that they could not agree, the Delawares said, that they would remain with him until they killed for him some meat, which they did. While they were hunting, he wrote a letter for them to convey home. Being aged and crippled, the Delawares, when about to part with him, generously gave him a horse to ride.

"Such," said Sequoyah, "was the way he came by the horse"—and that he would now tell us what happened to him at the cave.

The twelfth night after we left, the rain poured down and the water came into his cave. He placed all his effects upon a rock in the cave which the water soon surrounded and forced him on a large log. This in turn being moved by the water, he climbed the log, which his son and myself had leaned against the side of the cave and sought refuge in the ledge of the rock—having abandoned every thing but a couple of blankets he tied around him; his flint, steel, and spunk (5) and a few small articles that he could get into his pockets. From the ledge of rocks he succeeded in making his way out of the cave and ascending to the top of the hill, where he spent the night under a tree and in unceasing rain. In the morning, finding a dry place, he kindled a fire, by which he warmed himself and dried his clothing, and then went to look at his former home, but found it still covered with water.

Two days after, he again returned and found that everything had been swept away. But following down the branch he found his saddle bags, around a little tree, from which he recovered all his papers and other things, and also a tent and three blankets; and on the day following a brass kettle. After this he made no further search—giving up all for lost; but even felt glad to escape as well as he did, especially with his life which he said was far more precious than aught else. The water having swept away his supply of food, he was now left entirely without, and when he could get nothing else, lived on what little flesh he could shave off from the skins of deer killed by us before leaving. During the greater part of the time however, he ate nothing but wild honey, which he obtained from a couple of large trees, that he fortunately discovered and fell at the expense of repeated efforts, with a small tomahawk. His health had not been good, but such he said, as would have confined almost any one to his bed. For each day that we were absent, before leaving his cave, he cut a notch in a large oak tree.

We remained four or five days at the camp, where we found Sequoyah and in the vicinity, until a stock of provision was killed, and then resumed our journey, and after travelling sixteen days forded the river mentioned before, near the Mexican village. In a few days more, halting along for a short time at the different towns, where Sequoyah received the kindest hospitality from the Mexicans, the company arrived at the Cherokee Village.

Comment

San Crato was probably a corruption of San Fernando. After meeting the Mexican Cherokee, they returned to get Sequoyah. While they had been gone, a great flood destroyed Sequoyah's camp. After many hardships, he came upon some Delaware Indians, who had fed and cared for him.

Notice he saved his flint, steel and spunk, his gear for starting fire. (5) Sequoyah's friends found, save because of the help of the Delaware, and they were received in a friendly manner by the Mexican people.

The End of the Narrative

The Worm spent sometime with the Cherokees and then returned, at the solicitation of Sequoyah, with a party of Caddoes, to the Wichetaw town to recover, if possible, the horses that had been stolen from them. He was unable to get them, and not meeting with any person going to Mexico, could not return early as expected. At length several Caddoes arrived from Mexico and brought tidings that Sequoyah was no more, which was soon confirmed by a party of Cherokees. The complaint that terminated his life, was the cough which had long afflicted him, combined perhaps, with some disease common in that country. His death was sudden—having been long confined to the house, he requested one day some food, and while it was preparing breathed his last.

(Copy)

Warren's Trading House, (6)
Red River, April 21st, 1845. )

We the undersigned Cherokees, direct from the Spanish dominions, do hereby certify that George Guess, of the Cherokee Nation, Arkansas, departed this life in the town of Sanfernando in the month of August 1843, and his son (Chusaleta) is at this time on the Brasos River, Texas, about 30 miles above the falls, and intends returning home this fall.

Given under our hands day and date above written.

(Signed) Standing Rock, his x mark
Standing Bowles, his x mark
Watch Justice, his x mark

Witness:
Daniel G. Watson,
Jesse Chisholm (7)

Comment

Of the signatures above, Standing Rock was one of the Cherokee found n Mexico. Standing Bowles was obviously a descendant of Duwali, also known as The Bowl or Bowles, the head of the Texas Cherokee, killed when the Texans attacked them in 1839. Bowles had attacked some travelers at Muscle Shoals about 1794, and fled westward to the Missouri boot heel. After an earthquake in 1822, they fled to the south shore of the Arkansas River. Once the treaty of 1818 was signed he was going to have to move again to the north side of the Arkansas River. Rather than do this, he fled south of the red River into Mexican controlled Texas. When the Texan's won their independence from Mexico, they evicted the Texas Cherokee after Lamar was made governor once Sam Houston left office. Notice the name of Jessee Chisholm, grandson of john Chisholm and mixed blood Cherokee. The Chisholm Cattle Trail was named after him.

Notes

(1) http://digital.library.okstate.edu/chronicles/v015/v015p021.html

John Golden Ross, who was of no blood relation to Chief John Ross of the Cherokees, was born in Scotland on December 23, 1787. When a mere lad, his parents, with young John and his sister, embarked from Scotland for America to establish a new home. While en route, a violent storm arose at sea, during which the father was swept overboard into the sea and was never seen again. The frantic mother collapsed and died from the shock, leaving the two children to the care of strangers. The ship's captain brought the orphans into port at Baltimore where a kind-hearted citizen gave them a home. The sister died shortly thereafter but John Golden Ross grew to young manhood in Baltimore where he attended school and became a cabinet maker. Early in life, he struck out for himself, went south and located in Tennessee in the country of the Cherokee Indians. The young Scotchman served as a rifleman in Gen. Jackson's Tennessee militia in the Creek war of 1813-14 and fought with "Old Hickory" at New Orleans in January, 1815. Upon the conclusion of the war, he returned to Tennessee where, in 1819, he married Eliza Ross, a sister of John Ross, later to become chief of the Cherokees. .

He was very much esteemed by all who knew him. His business operations were quite successful and he enjoyed the comforts of a fine home at Park Hill.

William Potter Ross, eldest son of John Golden and Eliza Ross, was born at the base of Lookout Mountain, on the Tennessee river, some seven miles south of Chattanooga, Tennessee, on August 20, 1820.

(2) Lewis Ross was Chief John Ross' brother. Archibald Campbell was born about 1788 and is buried in the Ross Cemetery in Park Hill (http://www.okgenweb.org/pioneer/ohs/campbellarch.html).

(3) I have tried in vain to discover the names of the tribes to which we are more familiar. Wichita bands today are the Wichita proper, the Tawakoni, Keechi, Waco. They call themselves Kitikiti’sh (Kirikirish), ] Among the tribes composing the confederacy, each of which probably spoke a slightly different dialect of the common language, we have the names of the Wichita proper (?), Tawehash (Tayovayas), Tawakoni (Tawakarchu), Waco, Yscani (is this Echasi?), Akwesh, Asidahetsh, Kishkat, Korishkitsu. A considerable parts of the Panimaha, or Skidi Pawnee, also appear to have lived with them about the middle of the 18th century, and in fact the Pawnee and Wichita tribes have almost always been on terms of close intimacy. It is possible that the Yscani of the earlier period may be the later Waco (Bolton). The only divisions now existing are the Wichita proper (possibly synonymous with Tawehash), Tawakoni, and Waco. To these may be added the incorporated Kichai remnant, of cognate but different language. Just previous to the annexation of Texas to the United States, about 1840-5, the Tawakoni and Waco resided chiefly on Brazos river, and were considered as belonging to Texas, while the Wichita proper (and the Kechi) resided north of Red river, in and north of the Wichita mountains, and were considered as belonging to the United States. According to the best estimates for about 1800, the Wichita proper constituted more than two-thirds of the whole body.

(4) The Anadarko (Nadaco) were an American Indian tribe indigenous to Texas and whose descendants are now members of the Caddo Nation of Oklahoma. Recognized as Kadohadacho or "the Caddo Proper" since the nineteenth century, an estimated 449 Anadarkos resided in Oklahoma, mostly in Caddo County, circa 1950. The Caddo County seat of Anadarko was named for the tribe.

Spaniards first reported the "Nondacao" in East Texas in 1542. By 1700 the tribe had joined the Hasinai, one of three Caddo "confederations" (the Kadohadacho and the Natchitoches were the others). While most Hasinai dwelled near the upper Neches and Angelina rivers, the Anadarko lived farther north along the Sabine River. All Caddo shared the same language and culture.

The Anadarko were located at the forks of the Trinity River when Texas independence was declared in 1836. Their unfriendly relations with the Republic of Texas culminated when Texas troops drove the Anadarko into Indian Territory (present Oklahoma) in winter 1838-39. The tribe returned to Texas in 1843 and settled on the Brazos River. After Texas statehood, in 1846 the United States negotiated a treaty with the tribes of that region. The Anadarko were represented by Iesh (José María), who had emerged as the principal Caddo leader. Hostilities continued, however, and the Anadarko were soon overrun by white settlers.

The Anadarko were placed on the Brazos Reservation near Fort Belknap, Texas, in 1854. They, along with the Waco, Tonkawa, and other tribes, were removed to the Indian Territory in 1859 and placed under the jurisdiction of the Wichita Agency in the Leased District. Following the death of the pro-Confederate Iesh in 1862, most Anadarko fled to Kansas during the Civil War. They returned to the Wichita Agency in 1867 and were thereafter known as Caddo. The Wichita-Caddo reservation was established in 1872 and was allotted to 965 individuals, including 536 Caddos, in 1901. The Anadarko, Kadohadacho, and Hasinai formed the Caddo Indian Tribe of Oklahoma in 1938. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/encyclopedia/entries/A/AN001.html


These items were carried by everyone in those days to help get a fire started, per “History of Hanover Township” by Henry Plumb, page 230, R. Baur 1885.. Plumb wrote “Every man, and nearly every boy old enough carried in his pocket a flint and steel. . . . To make a fire, a piece of this spunk was held together with a flint. On the upper side of it, a piece of steel, made for this purpose about 3 or 4 inches long, a 16th of an inch or more in thickness, a half of an inch wide . . . was sharply struck a sliding blow against the edge of the flint as nar the spunk as possible to make the sparks fly . . .”

(6) More about Warren's Trading Post http://digital.library.okstate.edu/chronicles/v002/v002p129.html

Abel Warren – The first settler in the limits of the Kiowa-Comanche reservation as well as in the western half of the state of Oklahoma was Abel Warren. If any other person erected a building before Warren constructed his trading post at the mouth of Cache Creek, the historian has not advised us. This building was a combination affair, for residence, storeroom and fort. This Indian trading post was constructed in 1839 or 1840 . . .

This strong and sterling character was born in Northboro, Mass., near Boston, September 19, 1814. There he grew to young manhood with a fair education. The numerous and rich stories of the vast frontier of the western regions of the United States fired this comparative youth to definite action, beyond the conventional customs of a New England state. . . .

Young Warren eventually landed by boat at the frontier post of Fort Smith then in the Territory of Arkansas. It was in 1836 that this young man really started on his career, his heart full of hope and armed with a typical Yankee thrift that stood him in good stead. Being resourceful of mind and observing everything of interest that the scouts and Indian guides would inadvertently relate, he quickly conceived and carried out the idea that makes possible this story. . . .

Frontier trading posts with Indians had already been established on the Headwaters of the Missouri, Platte and Arkansas rivers. Warren conceived the idea of such an enterprise far up the Red River.

Easily gathering about him eager volunteers from the ranks of the many young adventurers who constantly visited a frontier town, as was Fort Smith at that time, Warren formed a caravan, with proper Indian guides and interpreters and set out in high spirits for whatever experience might confront them. . . . .

Whether, in locating his trading post, Warren explored Red River higher up the stream than Cache Creek is not known. Building timber could not have been found further west than this point. This was in the vicinity of the wild tribes, and the fine timber of lower Cache Creek made it a logical location for the enterprise. Also, in the "trade territory" of this post are the great number of other important timbered streams, as the Big Wichita, directly in view across Red River; the little Wichita and the Beaver Creeks. West Cache, Deep Red Run, the Washita River, Big Elk, Otter Creek, as well as the densely timbered uplands of Caddo County and the Wichita Mountains . . .

Warren had now been away from Massachusetts, and his faithful sweetheart, ten strenuous, lonely years. The fur trading post had prospered. Leaving the business in the hand of one believed trustworthy (it was early in 1846) he left this crude, but fascinating post and started over the long and circuitous route for Boston. . .

Eventually a letter came advising him that the custodian of the far distant store on the banks of Cache Creek had appropriated to himself everything at the post: all hides, furs, and stock had been carried away, sold for cash and the scoundrel had absconded.

(7) The following concepts can be found in “Jesse Chisholm, Ambassador of the Plains” by Stan Hoig,University of Oklahoma Press, in chapter six which discusses Sequoyah. They say Sequoyah had disappeared in 1842, and the Cherokee Nation was worried as to what had become of him. In March 1845 Jesse Chisholm was commissioned by the Cherokee Nation to try and discover what had becom of him. In this account, while the Cherokee were along Red River near cache Creek, and Sequoyah was very sick, they were helped by a friendly Keechai chief. The Echasi mentioned earlier in this account and the Keechai mentioned by Hoig must be the same people. They were a band of the Wichita. Hoig's book also explains why the Caddo abandoned their villages on cache Creek and why Able Warren abandoned his trading post about the same time. He says the Caddo had killed four Comanches. After this, the Caddo returned to Texas to be a little further from the Comanche hoping for some protection from the Texans. Since these Caddoes and lived near Warren's Trading Post, the Comanches demanded he abandon his trading post. Warren, after failing to get military support to protect him, abandoned the post. In those days, the 1840s, if the Comanche demanded you leave, if you were smart, you left.

Jesse's group discovered the fate of Sequoyah. Thus his name appears on the as a witness to the letter sent back to the Cherokee to tell them of the fate of Sequoyah.

(8) Click on the map to make it larger.
 
 
(9) There were Cherokee along the Washita River. I want to discover who they were, so I went looking. Stan Hoig said in "Jesse Chisholm, Ambassador of the Plains" that Dutch guided some men up the Red River to the Washita River in September of 1831 and Hoig produces some evidence Jesse Chisholm was amongst them. Jesse could later speak the Comanche language fluently. He states that Dutch wanted to return later and hunt along that river (the Washita) at some later time. Dutch was said by those who knew him to have been Sequoyah's brother. However in 1842 Sequoyah knew exactly where Dutch lived -- along what on today's map is called "Dutchess Creek", as people forget it was originally "Dutch's Creek". The article says 10 Cherokees were with Dutch. I suspect the Cherokee along the Washita in 1842 were a hunting party. He was hunting for Cherokee who'd moved west or south. Had this been part of an earlier migration westward, he surely would have asked the Worm and Teesee to take him to meet them, but this didn't happen. The Worm's account is so detailed he surely would have mentioned this encounter had it happened. There were always hunting camps though off somewhere in the woods or prairie I suspect, and apparently it didn't interest Sequoyah as much as travelling south into Texas and Mexico.