Saturday, April 18, 2015

Information gleaned from Richard Heathcock's Compilation of Information about the Saponi bands (Northern) of the Catawba

Some information about the Saponi, and other Northern Bands of the Catawba
The Saponi are firsr found near presentday Lynchville Roanoke, and Charlottesville, Virginia. The bands that united with the Saponi eventually included the following; The Saponi proper, Tutelo,Ocaneechi, Stukenoke/Enoke/Eno, Keyauwee, Miepontski, Stegaraki/stegarski.(1).



Notice the Monacan and Mahook in the far north. To their south are “Sapon” and “Nahyssan” If you get rid of the “Nay” you have “Yssah”, very similar to “Yesaw”, which was what these people called themselves, and is verysimilar yo Esaw/Yssaw/Isaw; what the southern branch of the Eastern Siouan people's called themselves. The “Akenatzi”mentioned have got to be the “Occoneechi”.
Heathcock, talking about Lederer's witings, states “These parts, (the Piedmont of Virginia), were formerly possessed by the Tacci, alisas, Dogi, but they are extinct; and the Indians now seated here, are distinguished into several Nations of Mahoc, Nuntaneuck, alias Nuntaly, Nhayssan, Sapon, Monagog, Monquoack,Akenatzi, and Monakin, and one language is common to them all (2)
In 1676, the Tutelo, Saponi, and Occoneechi were living on islands on the Roanoke River, when they were attacked by Nathaniel Bacon as part of “Bacon's Rebellion. In 1680, the treaty of the Middle Plantation was signed, by the Saponi between may and June of that year, Mastegonoe was tribal chief and Tachapoake was headman. In 1701 John Lawson found the Saponi dwelling on the Yadkin River in North Carolina near the present town of Salusbury, North Carolina. Haithcock next mentions that the Saponi had moved by 1711 to a place called “Sapona Town,” a short distance from the Roanoke River, 15 miles westt of Windsor, Bertie County, North Carolina. This was apparently, before the Tuscarora War of that same year. Haithcock mentions one Saponi took the name “Johnson”, after a settler named John Johnson, who lived at Sapona Town. In 1713 Virginia's governor, Alexander Spotswood, established some lands for the Eastern Siouans. Elements of the following bands were reported to have gone there, to a place called “Fort Christanna”; Saponi, Tutelo, Occoneechi, Meiponstky, Monacan, and the Stegarsky. These all came to be called the Saponi Nation. Tanhee Soka, Saponi, signed his mark at Fort Christanna. (3).
So the Northern Catawban bands (which included the Saponi and othrs) were almost constantly on the move from the 1670s until they arrived at Christanna in 1713. That's between 40 and 50 years. During this time their numbers decreased drastically. They were apparently enslaved, died of disease, and in the slave wars, often instigated by South Carolina traders. More on this later.
John Lawson visited the Saponi town when it was located on the Yadkin River in 1701., near the present town of Salisbury. Per Haithcock, they then moved to Bertie County, North Carolina with the Tutelo. He states that the Saponi, Tutelo, and Occoneechi, had moved to a 'new town', called Sapona Town, 'evidently', before the Tuscarora War. He states their town was east of the Roanoke River, about 15 miles west of the present day town of Windsor, Bertie County, North Carolina. He mentions an 'Indian surnamed Johnson, and there was a Caucasian named 'John Johnson' living at the town of Sapona. In 1713 Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood invited these Saponi, Tutelo, Occoneechi, along with the Eno/Stuckenock, Meiponponstky, Monocan and Stegarsky Indians became the Saponi. These Indians were invited to live at Fort Christanna in Southeastern Virginia. All of these people were Northern and Eastern bands of the Catawba Nation. Haithcock speaks often of how these Indians had lived on or near the Ohio River before being pushed back east and south, and points to the names of rivers in the area as evidence. My opinion is yes, this is evidence, but I don't think this evidence constitutes proof. Others say these Eastern Siouan peoples had lived in the Carolina's and portions of Virginia from the distant past. My personal opinion is that this void was filled by Algonquin peoples, the Shawnee, the Miama (also called Twigtwees), the Shawnee, and others. Also many people forget that each tribe lived in a small region, yet also controlled vast regions which they considered their 'hunting grounds'.


Here is a map showing the Saponi at the location near what is today Salisbury, North Carolina, about 1701, when visited by Lawson.Notice how the Tuscarora control most of Eastern North Carolina.



Here is a map of the same region AFTER the Tuscarora war. Notice most of Eastern North Carolina, prviously controlled by the Tuscarora, has been cleared of Indians. There were also a couple of bands of the Siouan peoples that are also gone from this region. Thwy either fled south to the Catawba are in the location located on the map as “Saponi Peoples” just to the west of the Meherrins. This was the location of Fort Christanna, founded by Virginia Governor Spotswood as a refuge for the last remnants of the Saponi and the bands that associated with them. It wasn't until the strength of the Tuscarora had been shattered that most of North Carolina became widely settled. Within a few more years, the power of the Catawban peoples, which consisted of most of the rest of the bands in South Carolina, would be shattered in the Yamassee War, opening the way to the settlement of much of South Carolina.
In 1714, Tanhee Soka and Hoontsky are mentioned as Chiefs of the Saponi at Fort Christanna.
The last surviving man who spoke the Tutelo language, Horation Hale, was said to have stated the people called all the Eastern Siouan peoples the “Yesah'. James Mooney stated the Catawba name for their own people was the 'Esaw'. Esaw and Yesah are practically identical, and is proof these people were all ONE NATION, at one time (4).
Per Haithcock, 300 Saponis were brought to Fort Christanna in March of 1715. In March 1716, it was reported some 60 Saponi warriors went on a war party against the Genito Indians. These are probably the Seneca. At this time they were ruled by twelve elders, and one a single chief. It was said that they would not treat with the English but in their own language. This probably means no tribal members spoke English fluently at that time.
In 1722, a treaty was signed between the Seneca and the colonies and Indians of Virginia, and both Carolinas. The following Saponi men were mentioned in a letter by Virginia Governor Gooch; Great George, John Sauano, Ben Harrison, Captain Tom, Pyah, Saponey Tom, Pyah, Tony Mack, Harry Irvin, and Dick. After the killing of a Nottaway Indian, four Saponi wee sent to jail. They were Chief Tom, Chief Mahenip, Harry Irvin and Pryor. I suspect Captain Tom and Chief Tom are the same people. I also suspect Pyah and Pryor are the same person.
In 1732 some Saponi returned to Fort Christanna from the Catawba. They returned to Fort Christanna. They were also allowed to settle along the Appomattox or Roanoke Rivers.
In 1733 the Saponi and Nottaway wanted a treaty between themselves, and wanted to include the Tuscarora.
In February of 1739, there was mention of 'a Saponi Camp' on the south side of the Nuese River in Craven County, North Carolina.
Probably about 1740, the Tutelo went north, stopping at Shamokin, Pennsylvania. These eventually went up to join with their ancient enemy, the Six Nations.
In 1742, eleven Saponi men are mentioned in the records of Orange County, Virginia. Their names are given as Maniassa, Captain Tom, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Little Zach, John Collins, Charles Griffen, Alexander Machartoon, John Bowling, Isaac, and Tom. It is interesting that 'Captain Tom' is mentioned both in 1722 at Fort Christanna and in 1742 in Orange County, Virginia. There are two other interesting names that time the Melungeons of Southwestern Virginia and Northeastern Tennessee early in the 19th century to the Saponi of Fort Christanna. We have John Collins and Charles Griffen in 1742 in Orange County, Virginia. We also have the Collins family, claiming a mixed-Indian origin in NE Tn. We also have a teacher named Charles Griffen who tought the Indians at Fort Christanna, and an Indian by that same name in Orange County, Virginia 3 decades later.
In 1749 in Johnson County, North Carolina, on the south side of the Nuese River, at a place called Powell's Run, a 'Saponi Camp' is mentioned at that location (5).
In 1753, the Tutelo joined the Six Nations, formerly their mortal enemies.
In 1755, there is mention of 14 men and 14 women living in Person County, North Carolina, who are Saponi Indians.
On April 19th, 1755, John Austin, a Saponi Indian, and Mary, a Susquehanna Indian, applied for a pass to the Catawba Nation.
In 1757, a party of Indians from the North Carolina/Virginia border region, visited Williamsburg, Virginia, and met with Virginia's governor. Some were Saponi. Here I wish Haithcock had elaborated more. If “some” were Saponi, what tribe were the rest?
There are dry spells where the Saponi aren't mentioned much. Haithcock mentions some who had earlier gone north to the Six Nations, in the 1760s and 70's. Unfortunately Haithcock mentions nothing more about those Indians that fought for the Brittish in the French and Indian War. He does mention some Saponi mized bloods who are mentioned on militia rosters in 1777 during the American Revolution. He lists their surnames as Riddle, Collins, Bunch, Bollins, Goins, Gibson, and Sizemore.
Haithcock says a group of Saponi, Nansemond, and Tuscarora peoples organized together in the 1780s, and they formed what is today known as the Haliwa Saponi, around a place known as “the Meadows”. They are called Haliwa because they live in both Halifax and Warren Counties, in North Carolina.
In 1784, some old Saponi families are still living in Brunswick County, Virginia, near the location of the former Fort Christana. Their surnames are Robinson, Haithcock, Whitmore, Carr, Jeffreys, and Guy. Many of these families are also found in Hillsborough County, North Carolina (6).
Hathcock mentions the following, “The Saponi/Christanna Indians by 1827 were being documented or recorded as Catawba by their friends, neighbors and officials in the Department of the interior. He provides 2 quotes. I.] “If descended from Indians at all, they were likely Catawba and lived in Eastern North Carolina.” and ii.] “It is a region much more likely to have been occupied by Indians from Virginia or by the Catawba Indians who ranged from South Carolina up through North Carolina into Virginia.” He mentions the surnames of these families; Hathcock, Dempsey, Jefferies, Guy, Johnson, Collins, Mack, Richardson, Lynch, Silvers, Mills, Riddle, Austin, Hedgepath, Copeland, Stewart, Harris, Nichols, Shepherd, Gibson, Coleman, Martin, Branham, Johns Taylor, Ellis, Anderson, Tom, Ervin, Bowling, Valentine, Goens, Sizemore, Bunch, Coker, Rickman, Whitmore, Mullins, Perkins, Harrison, Holley, Pettiford. Haithcock them implies these families were recognized by the state of North Carolina as the Haliwa Saponi Indians in the latter third of the twentieth century. Haliwa stands for the two counties where they mainly lived, Halifax and Warren Counties in North Carolina (7).
Heathcock mentions some 79 Saponi names. Some are full names, some are just given, and some are just surnames. Here is that list:Chief Mastegonoe, Chief Manehip, Chief Chawka, Chief Tanhee, Seko, Chief Tom, Chief John Harris, Captain Harrry, Captain Tom (Chief Tom and Captain Tom are perhaps the same person), Ned Beqarskin, Ben Bear Den, Pyah, Pryor (probably the same), Manniassa, Dick, Harry (perhaps the same as Captain Harry), Isaac, Tom (perhaps the same as captain or Chief Tom), Lewis Anderson, Thomas Anderson,Isham Johnson, Will Matthews, Isaac White )perhaps the same as 'Isaac'), John Hart, Carte Hedge Beth, Sepunis, Cornelious Harris, John Collins, Lewis Collins, Mullins, Charles Griffin, Absalon Griffin, Hannah Griffin, John Sauano, Saponey Tom,Alexander Marchartoon, John Bowlinig, Ben Harrison, Tony Mack, Great George, Little Zach, Blind Tom, Foolish Zach, Hary Irwin, Tom Irwin, John Austin, Sr and Jr, Richard Austin, Tutterow, Dempsey, Miles Bunch, William Thims, Chritopher Thims, John Head, Isaac Head, Heathcock, Jeffryes, Guy, Whitmore, Robinson, Carr, Ford, Long, Rickman, Coker, Jones, Richardson, Mills, Stewart, Going, Jackson, Thore, Williams, Branham, Johns, and Coleman. Now these are in adition to some of those already mentioned that are not mentioned here (8).
So recapping, first reports have the Monacan and Manahoac first being mentioned by John Smith to the west of the Jamestown Colony in 1607. In 1670 John Lederer has the Saponi and their allies along the eastern slope of the Appalachians in Virginia and Nprth carolina, indicating a movement southward. Lawson finds them near the present site of Salisbury, North Carolina. They flee again to live not far from the Tuscarora even before the Tuscarora War of 1722, only to flee again, to Fort Christanna by invitation of the Governor of Virginia, Alexander Spotswood..about 1714. Some flee with the Tuscarora up to Six Nations, but most remain in Virginia and the Carolinas whereover time, they become a mixed race minority in their own homelands. They were constantly being attacked prompting a treaty in 1722 with the Six Nations. Heathcock suggests a remnant fled north about 1740 to live with the Six Nations.

Haithcock's Compilation
1.] 1., Introduction
2.] page 4, The History of the Saponi Tribe and the Saponi Nation compiled by Richard Haithcock
3.] page 5
4.] page 5
5.] page 6
6.] page 7
.7] page 10.
8.] page 11


Saturday, February 7, 2015

Saura/Cheraw

The Saura/Cheraw

I am almost done now, with this blog enty. Hopefully I'' be finished with this entry about the end of Feburary.


De Soto spoke of the Xuala Indians. Pardo spoke of the same tribe, calling them the Joara.




Notice from this map shows the location of Xuala in Western North Carolina. Now when the think of the Cherokee of North Carolina, we consider their home, and call it “Qualla”. It is also in western North Carolina. Hmmm . . . do the two words have the same origin? I suspect they do.



Also notice the map above. It includes many of the state recognized, as well as federally recognized tribe, in Virginia, both of the Carolinas, and Florida.

Next, let us consider the Pardo expedition. There are people who who claim the Melungeons descend from a group of “Portuguese adventurers”. These same people use the Pardo expedition and say some troops were left behind, and forgotten. This is rediculous. Read “The Juan Pardo Expeditions” by Charles Hudson> If you look at a map from Hudson's book showing the city of Joara (p. 24), it is in the same location as Xuala per de Soto's accounts. Compare that to a map of the location Cherokee Reservation today, and it is what, maybe 40-50 miles to the west of Xuala, and Joara.


Notice the Xuala or de Soto, and Joara of Pardo, are one and the same. This location is just a little to the north east of the modern day lands of the North Carolina Cherokee, known as the "Qualla Boundary".

Juan Pardo departed December 1566 and returned March 7, 1567. He left a handful of soldiers under the command of Sargeant Moyano. The map shows the route of their expedition against the neighboring Indians in the spring of 1567.These men did help the people of Joara attack a few communities in the mountains.(map found on page 24). The following is taken from "The Juan Pardo Expeditions" by Charles Hudson. Hudson states, "The next place they came to was Joara, a very important town near resent day Marion, North Carolina. at the foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains . . . this was the same town De Soto chroniclers called Xuala." (18) Hudson goes on to say Pardo remained at Joara two weeks, and when he left, he left about 30 men at a Fort they called San Juan at Joara. under the command of Sargeant Hernando Moyano de Morales. It goes on to say he provisioned them with supplies for their matchlock guns. Plase note that according to Hudson, Pardo rturned to Santa Elena by a different route than he had taken, and that he had no problem at all getting back to their Spanish base at Santa Elena on March 7, 1567.

Sergent Moyano

Per Hudson, "Sergeant Moyano did not see Pardo again for about nine months, although the two of them exchanged letters carried by messengers.". Does this sound like they got lost and forgotten by the Spaniards? No, it doesn't. In early April, Pardo received a letter from Moyano saying they had fought a battle against the 'Chicsa' Indians.Could that be the 'Chicasaws'? Hudson guesses at the location of the Chicsa town and says Moyano attacked it with 15 men, but he says the exact location is unknown. The next part is very important, as to the conspiracy that these Spanish men were lost, and later became the forefathers of the Melungeons. The following is proof this did NOT happen. Hudson writes, "When Juan de Ribas, one of Pardo's soldiers, was questioned in 1602, he said that Moyano had helped an Indian chief defeat a rival. To have known this Ribas must have been one of Moyano's men, and he was living with the Spanish in 1602, and was NOT lost in the Southern Appalachians. 

Hudson provides one more such proof in the next paragraph. He states, "Moyano's involvement in aiding one interior chief against another is confirmed by Jaime Martinez, who served as an accountant in Florida from 1571 to about 1579. During this time, Moyano told Martinez about his exploits . . ." (19). So Moyano DID REAPPEAR in Spanish Florida! If the leader of the expedition reappeared in Florida, presumably so did his men. There is no reason to assume otherwise.These Spaniards that Pardo left behind returned to Spanish dominions.

 Moyano's men would have run out of ammunition and they would have had to have been resuplied. But there were roads, trails, often called traces, that went from the interior, going through the lands of the Eastern Siouan peoples, back to where the Spanish lands were, and the Spanish town of Santa Elena. They could have just traveled down the river, with the flow of the river taking them back to the Atlantic Ocean. We know they helped the Indians fight their enemy in the Mountains, so they should have been on friendly terms. Had that changed, the Indians would have killed them. And remember, Monayo and his men were Spanish, not Portuguese!





The above map is of the movements of many of the Southern bands of the Eastern Siouan bands rfom the times of the Spanish until much later times. It shows the Xuala/Joara in 1670 as being in the same location as the Guatari  wre in the 1560's. next we see or hear of the Saura they are on the Dan River, in two towns, Upper and Lower Saura Towns. As "Gua" in Spanish is  pronounced "Wa" in English, this is the same tribeal band as the "Wateree". We have a problem with this map however, as the Saura abandoned their two towns on the Dan River about 1700. It is possible they abandoned the region of the former Wateree about 1670, and at that time moved to the Dan River. They might have abandoned their town at Xuala/Joara long before. Since this is the only map I have at present showing this location (beside Guateri), this map is placed here. 

All American Indian males were trained as and considered warriors, and I suspect when Pardo's men attacked those towns to the west, it started a chain of events forcing their removal later. The people they attacked (possibly the Cherokee), of course, had to gain their revenge, and they may have harmed the Xoara/Saura so badly, they were forced to remove  further east. After the Spanish abandoned them, they were no longer there to protect them with their superior technology. 

About 1700 they fled to the Southeast towards Ylasi on the Pee Dee River, which the Yadkin becomes further downstream. They are still in South Carolina, but right on the NC/SC line, in what was to become the Cheraw District of the state of South Carolina. 



The above map is dated 1733. It shows the locations of various bands associated with the Catawba, including the “Saraw”. This map shows them in the North side of the Pee Dee River, not the south side. Near the Catawpa and the Sataree. Just north of the Saraw and the Keawee, just to the east of the Yadkin River. The Waxaus are just to the South of the Sataree, and on the opposite side of the river are the Wateree. Notice how far east the Saura have fled. But also notice the year – 1733. The Waxhaw who were supposed to have disappeared from history after the Yamassee War, are still on the map, as are the Yamassee. Notice the “ee” ending. As far as I know, no one has ever has ever said the Yamassee were Eastern Siouan. That “ee” ending makes one wonder . . . Also recall the map of state recognized tribal units in the carloinas and Virginia, shown earlier. The location of the Lumbee on that map is very close to the map here showing the Keowee and the Saraw.

I have one more map mwntioning the Cheraw -- 



"Charraw Town" is mentioned on this 1756 map, and they are shown as living with the Catawba.  Did they return to the NC/SC border region near the Pedee River, after this date? What became of them? This report is NOT complete -- will continue to work on it for a while, yet.

From “History of the Old Cheraws” by Alexander Gregg

From Gregg's account, he says there were no less than 28 Indian tribes in South Carolina (1). They did not realize many of these “tribes” were actually just 'bands' or a small part of a greater nation. I am interested in those who were of Eastern Siouan origin. Notice on the map below beside Camden, South Carolina, which is on the left edge of the map, half way from top to bottom is written “Indian Town”. We now know this was the location of what the Spanish called “Confitaquechi” (sp?)



Notice to the right of Camden and up a little is written “Cheraw's Precinct”. This was named for the Cheraw Indians.. As we have seen from previous maps, these are another name for the “Saura” Indians. Here is what Gregg says abut them. “Of the tribes which dwelt upon the Pedee and its tributaries. The Saras, or Saraws, as they were first called, afterwards the Charrows, Charraws, and Cheraws – occupied the region still identified by the name, Their territory extending thence to the coast, and along the coast from the cape Fear to the Pedee.
. . . upon the middle and lower parts of the river, the Winyaws. The Kadapaws were found on Lynche's Creek” You will find “Lynche's Cerek” east of Camden, and also east of the “Indian Town” beside it. The “Kadapaw” Indians are the “Catawba” Indians. Gregg seems to think the Cheraw or “Sara” Indians had lived in this region quite some time, but we know they were recent arrivals from the Spanish records of an earlier time. The Indian town near Camden was once a great city, and the capital town of the Eastern Siouans, oof which the Cheraw/Saura were but one band or region (2). Gregg continues to write as though the Catawba and the Cheraw were two distinct tribes, not realizing they were two bands of one greater nation. He speaks of the other tribes on the Pedee, and says they were absorbed by the greater tribes around them, in this instance meaning the Catawba. In reality however, they were ALWAYS one people, and if they moved together, it was for strength, as their numbers were dwindling. He says by 1743, twenty dialects were being spoken by the Catawba, saying “Cherah” was one of them. Per Gregg, the Cheraw were first mentioned by John Lederer, who travelled through the area between March 1669 and September 1770. Gregg suggests for a full story of Lederer's travels, we refer to Dr. Hawk's “History of North Carolina”, vol 11 pp. 43-63, with maps annexed. (3) He says Lederer calles them “Sara's or “Saraw's.” He quotes Lederer: “I departed from Watere the one and twentieth of June, and keeping a west course for nearly thirty miles, I came to Sara. . . . From Sara I kept a southwest course until the five and twentieth of June, and then I reached Wisacky. He speaks of nearby Indians called “Usheries”.There is no such tribe. I wonder it they mean “Uchee's? Gregg goes on to say these directions make no sense, and the tribes of his time never lived where Lederer's description puts them.However the map on page 20 shows this exact measure. The wateree later moved south to live nar the Catawba, while the Saura moved due north to live on the Dan River. I suspect however, that map has it worng, as other sources say they left the Dan River about 1700. Then might have hyst arrived in their location when Lederer met them. They could have then, just travelled down the river at leisure to get where they were later discovered in northeastern South Carolina, in the “Cheraw District”.Gregg, by assuming the description of the Saura of his time as living in the Cheraw District, get's hopelessly lost in geography. He concludes the Wateree and Waccamaw are the same people. Gregg confesses “Lederer's itenerary presents difficulties which we confess w can not satisfactorially solve. (4)”
There was one comment that caught my eye. Gregg said, “If, as is here conjectured, lederer passed through Robeson County, into South Carolina . . . it brings to light the fact never before suggested or imagined . . . that the Pedee, in the earlier days of aboriginal history, was known as “Sara”. And by 1732 there were Indians known as the Pedee Indians On December 15th, 1732, here is mention of the murder of a Pedee Indian, by the Upper House of the South Carolina Assembly (5). The man suspected of committing the murder was William Kemp.Gregg says; “concerning the fact of an Indian fellow being killed, named Corn-White-Johnny, His excellency issued the following order. On the 17th January, 1733, in council, upon hearing this day the information of William Kemp, relating to the death of of Corn White Johnny, and the affidavit of Thomas Burton, it is ordered that King Harry,, Captain Billy, George and dancing Johnny, and some of the relations of the deceased be and appear before me, the second Wednesday of February next ensuing, to give an account of what they know of the death of the said Indian, and that Wm. Kemp do attendat the same time. Likewise that Mr. John Thompson, Jun., is desired to acquaint the said Indians of the order. (6)”
The South carolina Gazette, dated June 30-July6, 1739sayd “On Saturday last . . . arrived at this town (Charleston, S. C.) eleven of the chief men among the Catawba and Cheraw Indians, who came to pay a tribute to his Honor, the Lieutenant Governor and inform him that some time since a party of their people went out to war . . .”(7).
In the Council Journal, no. 11, p. 133, dated March 2, 1743, we have; “his Excellency, the Governor, signed the following order . . . to provide for the Pedee Indians now in town . . .
“ . . . In Council, 25th of July, 1744, the governor admitted 4 Pedee Indians . . . who informet his excellency that 7 Catawbas had been killed by the Notchee Indians, who live among them. Governor Glen had the Notchee and Pedee Indians move closer to settlements, for safety, as the Catawbas were seeking revenge.
Several Catawba leaders are mentioned 2 years later. On the 27th of April, 1746, several Catawba leaders are mentioned as meeting the governor at the Congarees. The headmen mentioned are Yenabe Yalangway, the King. The old leader, Captain Taylor, Nafkehee, and some others, no names given, unfortunately. During this meeting, there is mentioned a Mr. Brown, who trades amongst the Catawba's. According to Gregg, Brown reported the following to the Governor. Gregg's accoount says, “Brown (who trades among the Catawba's) acquainted him that some of the Pedees and Cheraw's (two small tribes who have long been incorporated with the Catawbas) intended to leave them, which might prove of dangerous consequences at a time when they were so closely attacked by their enemies, the Northern Indians. Mr. Brown therefore entreated that if possible, such a separation might be prevented.” The governor then gave a speech to the Pedee and Cheraw Indians, advising them of he wisdom of remaining united as one. Gregg adds, “After this, they all promised to continue together” (8). Although Gregg says these Indians remained with the Catawba all their remaining history, King Haigler (the same Nafkehee mentioned last page. He seems to have been the next king) later wrote a letter to Governor Glen dated Nov. 21, 1752, asking the Pedee Indians to return. It is difficult to understand how and just who these Pedee Indians were, and what was their relationship to the Cheraw/Saura Indians (8).
The Pedee's are again mentioned August 30, 1748. Michael Welch, an overseer on Uchee Island on the Carolina coast line, sold an Negro slave to King Billy. It then goes on to say the Catawba Indians came and took the slave. He then escaped from the Catawba. So the Catawba still held sway over the Pedee Indians. The attitude of this Catawba King who took this slave might shed some light as to why these Indians wanted to leave the Catawba. I do not know if this is speaking about King Haigler or his predecessor. The earliest I have found, so far, mentions King Haigler in 1751.But I have only seen a few references (9).

An effort was made on the part of the Catawba to have the Pedee Indians move in with them. These Pedee Indians are not mentioned by that name earlier in their history. I suspect they were members of several groups that had dwindled to such a small number that they agreed to unite under a new name. Here is what the King of the Catawba said to Gov. Glen of South Carolina.. It is dated November 21st, 1752. There are a great many Pedee Indians living in the settlements that we want to come and settle amongst us. We desire for you to send for them, and advise for them to this, and give them this string of wampum in token that we want them to settle here, and will always live like brothers with them. The Northern Indians want them to settle with us; for as they are now at peace. They may be hunting in the woods or straggling about, killed by some of them, except they join us, and make but one nation, which will be a great addition of strength to us The (his [x] mark) King (10). Haigler was king of the Catawba at this time.

Immediately afte this, Gregg mentions a treaty between the Northwards Indians and the Southern Tribes. that is dated before Haigler's letter; on May 24th, 1751. He mentions tried living among the settlers, and says, "All the tribes . . . that live amongst our settlements, such as the Charrows, Uchees, Pedees, Notches, Cape Fears, and other Indians." (11).So there were numerous groups that had virtually been exterminated, but were still in existence, in pockets, in South Carolina.

Gregg continues his commentary. His next reference is dated 17th of October, 1755. He mentions a John Evans making a visit to the Catawbas by order of Governor Glen. From Evans journal, dated 17th of October, Evans mentions that during the summer, some Cherrakees amd Notchees had killed some Pedees and Waccamaws in the White peoples settlements (12). So we have mention now, of the Waccamaw as well, living in the White Peoples settlements. And we have the Catawba wanting them to move in with them, to strengthen their numbers. We have King Haigler trying to strengthen his people in numbers, by trying to get all these other bands, to move in with him and his Catawba.Our map previously listed dated 1756 shows some of the results of his efforts.

Continuing with this account, we have the following dated October 22, 1755. Evans says, "I set out from the Catawba Nation homeward, and at night came to a camp of Pedees. I aquainted them with my trip to the nation, and desired them to let me know who it was that killed and scalped the Pedee women and carried their boys away. Lewis Jones, their chief, answered, . . . he went down from the nation to the settlements . . . to inquite what harm was done . . . He met a Pedee Indian named Prince who lived in the settlements, and Prince told him that a day or two before the mischief was done, here was five Cherokees and one Notchee . . .and Lewis John said, he did believe they scalped the women and carried the boys away. (12)" There are a couple of points about this account. First Evans might be a figure to remember in the future. He sounds like an interesting fellow. Second, both Evans and Pedee Chief Lewis Jones/John 'left the Nation'. By nation, they mean the Catawba Nation. Third, these Pedee Indians are also found 'in the settlements', menaing the White settlements. They seem to be equally at home with the catawba, and in White settlements. And lastly fourth, the Pedee Chief is named Lewis Jones in one place, and next he is called 'Lewis John'. 'Johns' is a well known name of one modern band of the Catawba, the Monacans. This might be a coincidence,and maybe I am reaching at straws. But there it is, none the less.

Gregg mentions a later event. He says "In the South Carolina Gazette of June 2nd, 1759, this account was given; On Tuesday last, 45 Charraws, part of a Nation of Indians incorporated with the Catawbas, arrived in town, headed by King Johnny, brought him the scalp of a French Indian . . . taken . . . during the whole expedition against Fort DuQuesne . . ." (14).

There is another map dated 1750 shows another map of the Catawba homeland.


Notice the Catawba town is called Nasaue Town. Also we have Sugar Town (the Sugaree), Wateree Town living with the Chicisaw (Chickasaw). Waxaha Town is further down the river, and the location of the Congaree Fort is also shown even further south down the river, even though other records say it was abandoned decades earlier. Also some records suggested the Waxsaw were destroyed during the Yamasee River, there is still a Waxaha Town. If we see the 1756 map, perhaps Noostie town is Natchee Town, or where the Notchee (Natchez) took refuge. Nassaw and Nasaue town are probably one and the same, on the two maps.

So we have some Indians associated with the Catawba "living in the White Settlements", and we have the Catawba and rmnants of various tribes also living with the Catawba. But we also have a third band of these remnant's eastern Siouan Peoples, the Saponi and other wasted bands, that have taken refuge in Southeastern Virginia, that we haven't discussed. I will discuss them, later. Another, a fourth  band of these Eastern Siouans, the Tutelo who had been with the Saponi, will flee to the Six Nations of Canada and New York. Other groups of the Saponi that were once at Fort Christanna split into even smaller groups. These form some of the state recognized tribes of today. It is possible some never went to Fort Christanna, but were absorbed into the local population. And there are the people called Melungeons, who have since erroneously been called many things. By the 1750s, this is the state of the Eastern Siouans. They are mostly a group of refugees, with an uncertain future.

This writing is about the Saura/Cheraw. They are found in the 1750s, living with the Catawba, but they had also been living near the North Carolina/South Carolina border, on the Pedee River, and were living in what was once called "The Old Cheraw's" section of South Carolina.

Small Pox
The final destruction of these Indians is hinted at in the next paragraph. "In the Gazette of December 8th-15th, 1759, was this sad account of its [small pox] ravages; it is pretty certain that the small pox has lately raged with great violence among the Catawba Indians, and that it has carried off near one half of that nation . . . This distemper has since appeared among the inhabitants at the Charraws and Waterees." Immediately after this, Greggs says "The small pox went through the province in the year 1738." He continues "So distructive . . . had been this disease among the Indians . . .that its appearance brought on a spirit of . . . desperation." Later in the same paragraph we have; "About the time of the Revolution, some of the Catawba Warriors having visited Charleston, there contracted the disease again, and returning communicated it to their Nation." We have a last account mentioning the Charraws. Gregg says, "It was after this, having been sorely thinned by disease, that they we advised by their friends to invite the Charraws to move up and live with them as one tribe. here spoken of by the writers of the day, must have been a part of the tribe which had maintained its independence probablyin the region lower down the Pedee or on the coast, where they lead a proud but feeble existence." (15) Gregg goes on to say this small remnant of the Cherraws went to live with the Catawba, s ahad their brethren before, thus disappearing from history.

So we have three late outbreaks of small pox, one in 1738, one in 1759, and a last, a third, about the time of the Revolutionary War -- no date is given. Of the second outbreak, it was said that the small pox carried away half of the Catawba Nation. We have the entire Cherraw Tribe disappearing from history. But today, there is are a people called the "Lumbee" tribe of Indians living where the Cheraws had been observed living as late as the Revolutionary War. re the modern Lumbee that last remnant of the Cheraws? I don't know, but I don't think I have to go too far out on a feeble limb to say "maybe".

Gregg continues to write about tribes in the "Old Cheraws" region of South Carolina. He mentions the Pedee Indians, and says they were first called Pedee's about the year 1731-2, saying there is no mention of them before that date (16).  If one suggests they were members of wasted tribes, and took the name Pedee so they might be named after the Pedee River, one is then left pondering how the river got that name. Which came first, the chicken or the egg?

Gregg spends many pages discussing possible spiritual beliefs of these Indians. Since all he does is speculate, ad that speculation is based on events that occurred in the Indian cultural background as seen through the prism of Christian beliefs, it is possible none of his observations have any validity at all. Also I am not comfortable discussing these things. I am more comfortable discussing history than culture.Gregg even alludes to this, saying "They seemed to have been unwilling, for the most part, to give any account of their customs, particularly those of a religious character" (17).When they died out, so did all the intimate knowledge of their religious beliefs. He does mention in passing the "annual Sacred fire" on page 23, making me thing they might have had some similarities with other tribes in the Southeast which are NOT Soiuan, the Cherokee and Muscogeean peoples. Most of the rest of the book speaks of the White settlers of the region. Gregg mentions the Scots-Irish settlers, and mentions a Welsh settlement as well.

A Little More Research to Do
Gregg does mention Gideon Gibson and a group of Mulatto, Mustee and others who move into the area of the Pedee from the Virginia/North Carolina border. Later research mentions these families and associated them with the Lumbee. I had hoped I might be able to tie the Cheraw to the Lumbee, but all I find are the Cheraw leaving the area and the Lumbee moving in about the same time. I will add these bits when I have them better organized.


History of the Old Cheraws by Alexander Gregg

  1. page 1
  2. page 2
  3. page 5.
  4. pages 6-7
  5. page 8
  6. page 9
  7. page 10-11
  8. page 11-12
  9. page 13
  10. page 13-14
  11. page 14
  12. page 15
  13. page 16
  14. page 16
  15. page 16-17
  16. page 20
  17. page 27
  18. page 25, The Juan Pardo Expedition by Charles Hudson
  19. pages 26-27 ditto

Saturday, January 17, 2015

Comments on "The Catawba Nation", by Charles M. Hudson

Comments on “The Catawba Nation” by Charles M. Hudson

These notes on Hudson's book are still in a state of flux. They are in the same order as Hudson placed them. Unfortunately, he didn't always place them in the correct chronological order, so this blog entry also isn't always in the correct chronological order. Eventually I'll get that all worked out. I just have a little time on weekends and after work to work on this. It'll take time.

Hudson skips back and forth in time some. If one seeks to discover how the Eastern Siouan fortunes or misfortunes change over time, this adds to the difficulty. I have tried to place events in such a manner that this we can determine changes over time. However, on the positive side, Hudson does mention the northern bands of the Catawba far more than Blumer did. We can see a little better what was going on with the Virginia Siouans. He mentions the Monacans and the Monatons. I am left to wonder if these are two spellings for the same people, just as I suspect the names of other bands are really different names for the same people. Whereas Blumer tells straight history, Hudson tells a little of how the people lived, and tells short stories mentioning several of these bands. Such stories are invaluable. However with singular unsubstantiated stories, one can never be certain the author knew what he was viewing. These stories are of great interest, but we must be careful in drawing any conclusions from them.

Lederer visited the Eastern Siouans (Catawba and Associated Bands) about 1670 and Lawson did the same about 1701.

Quoting Hudson; Our fullest early description of the Catawba comes to us from from the hands of John Lawson who visited them in January 1701 while on a journey from Charleston, South Carolina to the mouth of the Tar River in North Carolina. Having made contact with the Sewee, Santee, Congaree, and Wateree Nations while traveling on foot up the eastern banks of the Santee-Wateree-Catawba River system, he came upon the Catawba Nation situated a few miles from the present day 'Old Reservation'. (1)

First, we must make an effort to understand the people he is talking about. Hudson refers to the 'nations' of the Wateree, Congaree, Sewee, Santee, and Catawba. These are all part of ONE nation, one People, and NOT separate nations. It appears that some of the English only had a vague notion of this concept, where the Indians were concerned. What happens to each of these groups only makes sense once we realize they are all part of one greater nation.

Hudson adds; “The Waxhaw, Esaw, and Sugaree Nations were situated near the Catawba Nation, and all four appear to have been closely related.”

Apparently, Lawson tells little about the Catawba proper, but he does give a description of these other bands. Of these, Hudson tells us; Upon arriving among the Waxsaws, Lawson was entertained in a cabin that impressed him as being unusually large and well built. The Indians of these four nations lived in villages scattered through an area at about ten miles across. Each of these villages had a 'theatre' or 'stage-house' that was larger in size and different in construction from the bark-covered houses in which they lived. In these public buildings, ambassadors from other nations were received, political affairs were deliberated, and rituals were performed. Each village apparently had a government council of elders with a residing king and war captain, the relationships among these being governed by a personal code of etiquette.. At the same time as Lawson's visit, an ambassador from the Saponi Nation, located 150 miles to the north (2).

He speaks of dances performed for him, saying at the end of the dance the young men took their “sexual license” with as many as wanted, taking a woman for a “bed-fellow.”.

James Mooney was first to refer to the Catawba as “Eastern Siouan”. Hudson disagrees with some of Mooney's conclusions. In making his case, he makes a very important observation. While quoting Sapir, he says, “ . . . as Sapir was careful to point out, inferential evidence must be subjected to vigorous scrutiny and methodological rigor, otherwise it can lead to a to a badly distorted reconstruction, particularly in the hands of someone with a “theory”.(Sapir 1951:394). This is so very important, especially with respect to the origins of the Melungeons, as we shall see before the end of this book. One of the main reasons I am writing this is to explain why so many ideas about the Melungeons are in error. It is my hope that seeing the true origins of the Melungeons will will help develop some pride in their American Indian heritage, and that they shall learn to reject the many theories about their origins that are pure and utter nonsense.

In the late 19th and early 20th century studies were made of the Tutelo, Woccan, and Catawba languages, three of the tribes between the Cherokee and Creek tribes in the west and the Atlantic Ocean. All three proved to be of Siouan origin (3)

Mooney wrote “Siouan Tribes of the East”. In 1896. He concluded 26 of the tribes found in the Carolinas and Virginia were Eastern Siouan; Monocan, Saponi, Occoneechi, Sara/Cheraw, Keeauwee, Eno, Waxsaw, Sugaree, Pedee, Santee, Sewee, Wateree, Congaree, Mahoc, Nuntaneuck, Meipontsky, Shoccori, Adshusheer, Sissipahaw, Cape Fear, Warrennncock, Waccamaw, Winyaw, Hooks and Backhooks, Nahyssan, and Mohetan. Notice how many of them end in the “ee”, “i”, or “y” sound. Some end in the “aw” sound. A couple end in the “oc” or “euck” sounds. A few end in the “an” sound. If we delete the final “r”, “Adshusheer” becomes “Adshushee”, that final “ee” sound of many other bands. This is a remarkable uniformity for so many bands. Hudson saw a flaw in Mooney's classification, as no words or vocabulary exists for most of these bands. He saw no proof they were Eastern Siouan ancestry. But we shall see many of them moved in with the Catawba from time to time, I strongly suspect Mooney was right, but have to agree with Hudson that absolute proof of it is lacking (4).

Some evidence provided by Mooney, that Hudson downplays, however, include William Byrd's statement that the the Monacan and Manahoac languages were similar to Tutelo and Saponi. Of these languages, only the Tutelo is known, as Tutelo survivors moved in with the Six Nations, and thus their language survived longer than many of the others.

The map below shows most of these eastern Siouan bands. They do show the Coosa and Cusabo way too close to the Catawba and Associated Bands than I usspect they actually were. Anything named “Coosa” is of Creek/Muscogeean origin, which I suspect the origin of the Cusabo as well. Recall how Blumer stated there was a vast region between the Catawba speaking peoples and the Muscogean speaking peoples. I do not know how they come up with the date 1650 for this map, but it is a time frame about which we know very little. If you look at the Siouan bands as part of a great nation, we see them abandoning the northern regions of their territory between 1650 and 1700. I suspect most of Virginia was abandoned, and small parts of it retaken after the abandonment of Fort Christanna, resulting in the Monacan peoples in Amherst County, and the Melungeons on the Virginia/Tennessee border.

Below is a map dated about 1650. Between 1650 and 1700 some major catastrophe must have befallen the northern Siouan bands. The Manahoak, Saponi, Monacan, Tutelo and others flee the Western portions of Virginia to take refuge granted by Governor Spotswood of Virginia at Fort Christanna. There are several possible candidates for this catastrophe. One being the Iroquois, their ancient enemy, killed them in warfare. A second being the slave traders of South Carolina enslaved them and sold them in the Caribbean. They used local non-Siouan tribes on slave raiding treks to the interior. Of course this would give other Indian traders a chance to use the Eastern Siouans on a revenge raid against those who had raided their villages, thus helping to depopulate the entire region of Indians, making colonization easier for the English. A third reason would be of course, the small pox epidemics. Small Pox was known to travel through entire nations, wiping out half of the population at once. But it is clear the Northern bands were cut down first, leaving only remnants. It was in the next decade or two after their decimation that many of the southern bands came to the same end. The end of many Southern bands was a result of the Tuscarora and Yamassee wars. The following three maps will bear that out. Notice the changes in these maps, one a snapshot of about 1650, the second about 1700, and the third about 1720. Centuries of traditions, the evolution of languages and dialects, and of cultures, were forgotten and abandoned, erased from the earth forever. It is amazing that such a disaster could happen. Click on the map and it should expand.




Hudson spends pages explaining why/why not the “hill tribes” were/were not Eastern Siouan. He eventually concludes they lived at the location when they first came into contact with Europeans, for a very, very long time. He speaks of four Spanish expeditions – Panfilo de Narvaez, Hernando de Soto, Tristan de Luna, and Juan Pardo. These expeditions occurred between 1521 when a raid for slaves was made on the Chicora coast and 1569 when the Spanish established a settlement at Santa Elena and hoped to use the Indian farmers labors as a permanent food supply. The Spanish raided the area for slaves only rarely. Hudson mentions the slave raids might have caused the coastal people to migrate. There is a Shakori Band of these hill tribes a little inland that could correspond to the Chicori mentioned by the Spanish. Mention is made by Lawson of great flocks of pigeons between the lands of the Esaw and Sapona Indians (5). Esaw is also called Yesah, or Iswa. If you make the “Y” sound a “W” sound instead, you have “Wesaw”, which might correspond to “Waxsaw”. The Esaw and Waxsaw might be the same people.



The map above portrays the Catawba and Assiciated Bands closer to the time of Lawson, about 1700. Here is an interesting note on Indian slavery. Hudson tackles this topic a little more than Blumer. He states; “While warfare or raiding was definitely important in the Southeast, early colonial references to continual Indian wars were often rationalizations for enslaving the Indians. . . . we shall see presently that in early colonial times most of this Indian warfare was stimulated by Charleston traders as a means of acquiring slaves.” (6)

Hudson makes comments about the hill tribes of the Piedmont as being more backwards than their Cherokee or Creek neighbors. But what we know of the Creek and Cherokee runs forward from 1750 to the present, whereas all our knowledge about the Eastern Siouan 'hill tribes' flows from 1670 only up to 1750 by which time many of these hill tribes becomes extinct, or their numbers have been assimilated into the local populations. We could say the same about the colonists, that is, the colonists before 1750 were more primitive than those who came afterwards.

Hudson talks quite a bit about Lawson's observations of 1701. He states, “As Lawson journeys up the Catawba River, he successfully passed through the territories of the Waxsaw's, Esaw's, Sugaree's, and Catawba's . . . Unlike the hill tribes, all these groups were populous. In every village, beginning with the Waxsaw, Lawson saw a “townhouse” . . . Lawson said the last town house he saw was at Saponi, situated northeast of the Catawbas, on the Upper Pedee River . . . at Saponi, Lawson first mentions seeing protective palisades that were common in the Northern Piedmont. At the time of Lawson's visit, the Saponi were considering confederation with two other hill tribes, the Tutelo and the Keyauwee. The three, being small . . .thought they should strengthen themselves . . . and become formidable . . . (7). Some of the Catawba tribes are said to have practiced skull deformation. Hudson says; “. . .the Catawba were sometimes called “Flat Heads, but this usage was generally limited to the Iroquois, who referred to the entire Catawba Confederacy by this designation.” (8)

Interestingly, Hudson says the Indians living on the Catawba River were called “Esaws” until about 1710. After that time to the present, they were called “Catawbas”. He offers no reason for this change. Now the Esaw were also called Iswa, and Yesah. (9). The Esaw town is always, on maps, near the Waxhaw village. Both towns dissapear about the same time. They both end in the "saw" sound. 

Little is known about the history and culture of the Piedmont Indians. Only the Virginia traders knew them at all, and they left us very little information about them. Hudson says that according to Lawson, the Eastern Siouans were middle men in trade with other Indians. Hudson says, “Lawson, for example, met a man named John Stewart, a Virginia trader residing with the Catawba King, who had traded there for many years.”

Quite a bit is suspected about these traders relationships with the Piedmont Catawba. For instance, Hudson says; When discussing Lawson who seemed to be paraphrasing Stewart; “They set apart the youngest and prettiest faces for trading girls. These are remarkable for their hair, having a particular tensure by which they are known and distinguished from those engaged to husbands. They are mercenary, and whoever makes use of them, first hires them, e greatest share of the gain going to the King's purse, who is the chief bawd, exorcizing his prerogative over all the stews of the nation, and his own cabin very often being the chiefest brothel-house.” Not knowing the meanings of several of these words Hudson uses, one can make pretty good guesses from the path his words wonder through. A court of law probably wouldn't accept the above as it is so-and-so saying so-and-so said something. It should carry the weight of any “gossip, meaning it may or may not be true.

I have seen others write of the influence of the South Carolina traders. Hudson however, speaks of the Virginia traders., saying in the late 17th century the Virginia traders influenced the Catawba and Piedmont Catawba. After the Oechonocanough massacre in 1644, a serious of forts were built in Virginia. These forts became jumping off points for expeditions into the interior of Virginia and nearby regions by the commanders of these forts.

Per Hudson, Abraham Wood was perhaps the most successful of of these explorers. He commanded Fort Henry at the falls of the Appomattox River. It was located near present day Petersburg, Virginia. Her Hudson, the Occaneechi Trading Path first went to Occoneechi Island on the Roanoke River, which ran straight to the Catawba, and from there to the Lower Cherokee towns. He also says “It was called the Catawba Trading Path.” If this trail was known by both names, this tells us something about the relationship between the Occoneechi an the Catawba. Also ending with the “ee” or “i” sound is a characteristic shared by most of the bands of the Catawba.. Hudson speaks of a second route from Fort Henry to the Kanawha River, then south to the Cherokee. Hudson speaks of a report by one Edward Bland, a trader who in 1650 made a trip to the falls of the Roanoke River, mentioned that Abraham Wood was with him. Upon haring a musket go off, Wood's Appamattuck guide reportedly said that it was “Wainoake spies”. If you remove the beginning and end of that word, you have “Ainoa”, or “Eno”. It appears these “Appamattock” Indians apparently, were NOT affiliated with the Catawba. It is the Algonquin tribes that have words that end in the consonant sound. All Cherokee words end ini the vowel sound, and it appears that so do many of the Eastern Siouan words (11).

In 1670, when John Lederer pased through a Monacan village, they were greeted by a volley of muskets, it was described as a sign of greeting. In 1671 Batts and Fallam mentioned fire arms were discovered in the Saponi village on the Staunton River. The same expedition mentions the Tutelo village near present day Salem, Virginia, gave a few shots of powder to a Mohetan Indian, stating his people were then living on the Kanawha River. Since both the colonies of South Carolina and Virginia forbade the sale of firearms to the Indians at this time, the presence of all these weapons is a puzzle. Indians at the coast had much easier access to muskets, thus making Indians in the interior an easier victim in the slave trade.

No one has successfully explained the origin of these firearms. One comment made by Abraham Wood. However. Might explain their origin. Woods mentions the Tomahittan Indians of the southern Appalachians visited him. And stated that they had about 60 guns “which were not of English manufacture.” I suspect these Tomahittans were actually Indians from Florida, although many acquaint them with the Cherokee, and they might be right. I just want to dot all my eyes, and cross all my t's. Wood sent Gabriel Arthur to live with them as a preliminary to trade. Apparently they forced Arthur to travel with them on raids, and he reported reported them on a raid to a Spanish town. They spotted a Spaniard and killed him, taking his weapons. This might account for some of the weapons the Indians of the interior possessed, but I suspect some South Carolina and perhaps Virginia traders also traded illegally in weapons (12), however evidence is wanting. Hudson gives a possible explanation for the Virginia Traders not writing about their exploits. He says, “. . . the Virginia traders left little or no account of their dealings with the Indians. Their failure in this was intentional . . . they wanted to to conceal their illegal in arms and ammunition.”

Hudson mentions the Tuscarora wanted to be the middle men, trade wise. He speaks of their trade with the Shoccores and Achonechy (Occoneechi). An Occoneechi Indian named “Indian John, also known a “Hasecoll, enroute to trade with the Tomahittans, is mentioned. It is presumed that he killed Needham, with the murder occurred because the Occoneechi wanted to maintain a monopoly on trade with the tribes in the interior. The Tomahittans fled. Arthur returned to the Sara village, and hired four Saura Indians to take their place. They would accompany him only as far as Eno Town, for fear of the Occoneechi's. It stated Wood went to visit the Tomahittan's and they returned to Fort Henry, but went by an indirect route through Tutelo Town and then to Monacan Town. From there to Fort Henry, skirting north of the Occoneechi's. As a result of these events, Per Hudson, Wood says of the Occaneechi; “. . .they are but a handful of people, beside what vagabonds repaire to them, it beeing a receptacle for rogues.”(13).

Later, we hear of Bacon's Rebellion. No account of the history of these Piedmont Catawba can be complete without some mention of Bacon's Rebellion. Hudson discusses this event, but only briefly. He says, “In 1676 the Occoneechi successfully withstood an attack by 200 Virginians, but in doing so they reportedly lost 50 men.” Hudson reports that sometime between 1676 and1701 them moved to a location near Hillsboro, North Carolina, where they are located as mentioned by Lawson in that year. A decade later, they, along with the Tutelo, Saponi and others, move to Fort Christanna (14).



After the Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars, here is a map of the locations of the various Catawban bands about 1720. You will notice several bands no longer exist, or have incorporated with other bands. This is an indication that they are banding together for strength, as their numbers have drastically fallen. I strongly suspect this is due to the Small Pox, and constant warfare driven by the slave trade. Notice the Saponi have moved to the northeast and the Cheraw have moved to the southeast. Vast areas of North Carolina are vacant of Indians, where the Tuscarora and several bands associated with the Catawba had been. The Esaw, Waxsaw and Eno have vanished simultaneously. We have the Saponi (really a unity of several bands that have moved together for protection) in the north at Fort Christanna. They represent all the bands previously in Virginia. It is thought warfare with the Six Nations vanquished them, but I suspect many were taken in slave raiding ventures by South Carolina traders using Indian allies of non-Siouan origins to capture them. Their absence clears the way for European settlement of central and Western Virginia. In or near the coasts of South Carolina we have the Cape Fear Indians to the north and the Settlement Indians nearer Charleston, their original band names having been lost to time. Only the Waccamaw are mentioned by name. Inland a ways are the Pedees, Cheraw, and Keyauwees. Still further inland we have the Catawba and Wateree. The Catawba are a grouping of several bands as well. There are great areas now uninhabited whereas previously there were several bands of Indians associated with the Catawba. The Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars have left a great deal of both Carolinas and Virginia uninhabited, now free and open to European colonization.

Hudson contrasts the South Carolina traders with the Virginia traders. “Unlike the Virginia traders, the Charleston traders conducted a lively business in Indian slaves. This becomes so prevalent that in contemporary documents the statement that the Indians had gone to war is virtually synonymous with saying they had gone to capture slaves. . . . Sometimes the traders would force their own Indian slaves to go out and capture ther Indians for slaves as a mans of purchasing their own freedom.” Often the traders would sell rum (illegally) to the Indians, and get them into a debt that they could not repay. The traders would then say they would forgive the debt if the Indians would go to war against a neighboring tribe to gain slaves of them. (15). Such slave raiding took place on a great scale. In 1715 trader Thomas Nairne boasted that the Yamassee Indians had raided the Florida Keys for slaves as Indians further north in Florida had for all intents and purposes, vanished, due to all the slave raids. The Indians finally grew tired of the South Carolina traders, and this resulted in the Yamassee War of 1715-1716. Hudson says this war was an end to the Santee, Sewee, Pedee, Congaree, Cusabo and Waxhaw. The survivors fled to either the remaining Spanish Indians near Spanish towns or the Catawba. After this war, the Catawba and Associated Bands never again acted on their own behalf in the political realm of their being an independent Indian Nation. All their future actions were were determined by their being a satellite of the South Carolina Colony. By the 1730s, the South Carolinians were far more worried about a Negro slave insurrection than an Indian revolt. Another account mentions that until about 1717, the colony exported more slaves than it imported. In short, there were few Indians left to enslave.

In 1735, John Thompson is called a trader with the Cheraw Indians on the East bank of the Pedee River. Hudson names 3 other 'later' traders with the Cheraw – Samuel Armstrong, Christopher Gadsden, and John Crawford. Hudson says Samuel Wyley was the most important trader to the Wateree about 1751. He later became an unofficial agent for the Catawba. Other interesting traders throughout the 1730's and 1740's were George Haig, and it is possible King Haigler was named for him. Thomas Brown set up his trading business at the Congarees about 1730. He had a son named Thomas Brown who was half-Catawba. In 1748 Haig and Thomas Brown Jr were captured by the Iroquois. Haig was killed and the young Brown was freed after being ransomed. A small pox epidemic in 1738 devastated the Catawba. Robert Steil also became a trader at the Congarees (16).

Please notice that Hudson has not mentioned the Northern Piedmont Catawba tribes in quite some time. They were all rounded up by Virginia's Governor Spotswood, and sent to Fort Christanna. Their numbers had been shrinking, and they needed to band together to help them survive.

In the 1740s the government still considered the Catawba a Nation, as opposed to the Settlement Indians. Per Hudson, these settlement Indians were for the most part, composed of Indian Nations that were quickly on the road to extinction, passing first by the way of assimilation. He says; “The settlement Indians consisted of Cheraws (Sara), Uchee's (Yuchi), Pedees, Notchees (Natchez), Cape Fear and others. Governor James Glenn stated in 1746 the Catawba had about 300 warriors. In 1743 Adair estimates the Catawba had abut 400 fighting men. Adair also says the Catawba Nation consists of over 20 dialects, and he lists a few of them – Katabhaw, Wateree, Eeno, Chewah, Chowan, Cangaree, Nachee (Natchez), Yamassee, Coosah, etc.(18).

By 1760 the Catawba were a small nation completely surrounded by White frontiersmen. Another small pox epidemic in 1759 had killed half again, of the Catawba Nation. In 1763 King Haiglar had been killed. In his place was elected Colonel Ayers. Hudson suggests Ayers fell out of favor with the South Carolina government, and Samuel Wyley, acting on behalf of South Carolina Governor Bull, persuaded the Catawba to get rid of Ayers, and they elected King Frow to take his place in 1765. The names of a few of his headmen exist. They were Captain Thomson, John Chestnut, and Wateree Jenny. By the turn of the Century, the Catawba no longer mattered. They were few in number, surrounded by Scots-Irish settlers who barely realized there were any Indians living in their midst (19).

And what became of the Saponi at Fort Christanna, or the Settlement Indians in lowland South Carolina? Hudson doesn't say. We will have to look elsewhere for the answers to these questions.


The Catawba Nation, by Charles M. Hudson

1.   p. 1
2.   p. 2
3.   p. 6
4.   p. 7
5.   p. 16-20
6.   p. 21-22
7.   p. 26
8.   p. 27
9.   p. 28
10. p. 30
11. p. 31-32
12. p. 32-33
13. p. 35-36
14. p. 37
15. p. 39
16. p. 42
17. p. 46
18. p. 47-48
19. p. 51

Wednesday, December 31, 2014

Comments about "Catawba Nation, Treasures in History" by Thomas J Blumer

From Catawba Nation, Treasures in History by Thomas J Blumer

The Spanish Years
The Catawba are barely known in Native American history due to the fact that they alone stayed behind in the Carolinas following the notorious “Trail of Tears”. The Catawba were almost forgotten to history. (1) In 1884, Anthropologist Dr. E Palmer visit4ed their nation and wrote notes on the. His notes are however now forgotten. In 1908 Dr. M. R. Harrington made a visit from Washington D. C. to the catawba Nation. He published a small book “The Catawba Indians” in 1909. Dr. Blumer's recent studies on these people has helped rediscover a people nearly forgotten.

Catawba-Spanish Contact
The Yuchi wre neighbors of the Catawba. They were living on the coast, near modern day Savannah, Georgia. They lived on the Muskogeean/Siouan border region. There language has said to look a little like the Muskogeean and a little like the Catawba. The English language looks like it also has dual origins, part Germanic and part Latin. Their language might tell us more about those who once conquered them than about they themselves. These Yuchi have a legend telling of viewing ships on the horizon, that landed on the coast. They returned a second time and took samples of the soil. They returned a third time, this time wanting land on which to grow crops. This is the Yuchi story.
Returning to recorded history, we have another tale to tell. The Catawba first saw Spanish ships in 1521. These ships were owned by Vasquez de Ayllon, and they were on a slave gathering mission. At a place called Chicora, the Spanish tricked some of the Catawba on board, then took off with them They went back to the Caribbean where they were sold as slaves. One of the slave ships sank, and many on the other ship later died.
The Spaniards traained one of the Indian slaves to speak Spanish, and renamed him Francisco de Chicora. Ayllon in 1621, returned to Chicora with Francisco, hoping to colonize the land. This time when Ayllon arrives, the Indians who saw his ships arrive fled into the woods. Francisco did the same, when he got the chance. The Spaniards never saw him again. This attempt to plant a colony on the Carolina coast failed. (2)
Sometime between Ayllon's expedition and De Soto's, they started calling this land “Cofitachique”. Cofitachique is a name of Muscogeean origin. Now the Muscogeean and Catawba peples were mortal enemies. The Creek/Muscogeean people started telling the Spaniards of a fabled land called Cofitachique which was a wealthy land full of wealth. He heard of a place called Yup-aha. Perhaps this was what became Yas-eh/Esaw/Waxhaw? We will never know. On De Soto's route to discover Cofitachqui, he came across the Creek/Muscogeean village of Cofaque. When they knew what De Soto wanted to do, they were eager to join the expedition. The Cofaque brought a great supply of food with them. They were eager to obtain vengeance on Cofitachique, but the Spaniards were ignorant of their ambitions. (3)
Interestingly, Blumer mentions a great buffer between the Creek and Siouan speakers. There was a rgeat region where no people lived. This is something many researchers ignore, but has to be understood and explained in any research of American Indian Peoples. ALL tribes had a great parcel of land they called “the hunting grounds” that remained uninhabited. That is where the tribal animal herds were kept. It is a lie that the Indians didn't own animals, they just owned them communally, not individually. They considered the deer, turkey, and smaller game as theirs, and if a neighboring tribe was caught in their hunting grounds, a war often was the result. Since more than one tribe used the same hunting grounds, inter-tribal warfare as common.
Finally De Soto and his Cofaque allies reached a village loyal to Cofitachique. Immediately the Cofitaque started massacreing the villagers, and the took many scapls. When De Soto realized their deception, he gave Cofaque war captain Patofa many gifts, and sent them back home. He conontinued on to Cofitachique.
On May 1, 1540, De Soto's men came to a large river. De Soto remained there until 13 may, 1540. Cofitachique was ruled by a woman. Despite being treated with great respect, the Spanish too her as a hostage. Blumer continues to say “Today we know the site of Cofitachique as modern Camden, [South Carolina]. The Catawba did not abandon its ceremonial center until after the treaty of Augusta in 1763.” (4)
The map below is the route of the eastern half of De Soto's Expedition.





The Spanish began an effort to colonize the vast holdings of the Cofitachique , also called Canos or Canosi until after the founding of St. Augustine in 1565. Pedro Memendez de Aviles was the man behind this adventure, and he had the backing of the Spanish crown. Prt on of this adventue was the defeat of the french in the area. Part two was the founding of Santa Elena on the Sout Carolina coastline. The third part of his plan was to gather about 120 men under the command of Captain Juan Pardo, and have them march inland. Menendez hoped they'd find an inland road to what is now Mexico. Pardo was also asked to pacify the Indians, and evangelize them so that they would become Christians, and bring them under the authority of the Spanish Crown. Pardo's progress was recorded by Juan de la Bandera, Pardo's archivist. Father Sebastian Montero went along, with the job of converting the Indians. They travelled through the heart of the Catawba regions. According to Blumer, the names of many of the locations Pardo visited still had similar names as the names recorded by De Soto's men earlier, an those names were of Catawban origin. Father Montero spent several years amongst the Wateree (called by the Spaniards Guateri) and he had some success in converting them to Catholocism. A report exists where some Indians learned Spanish, and even several catholic prayers. (5)
Please note they were never LOST. Also note they were NOT Portuguese, but rather Spanish. Would a 19th century Cauasian of Scottish ancestor report that his ancestry in the 17th century were English? .NO! He'd report they were Scots! And the Spanish were no different. They were as proud of their heritage as any of us would be. And as we will see later, there were trade routes, paths and roads that went to and from all the Catawban and Eastern Siouan towns. There is no was a group of Pardo's men could have gotten lost. They knew the roads back to Spanish settlements very well. Here (below) is a map of Pardo's route. Some of Pardo's men remained in the interior and these are the men some say were the unfortunate ones, those left behind, under the command of Moyano. But notice the movements of Moyano's men in the interior IS KNOWN! How could hi sovements have been known if he disappeared? It makes no sense.



I bring this up because some claim the Melungeons descend from a group of “Portuguese Adventurers.” Others claim some of Pardo's men got lost. Some claim they were descended from runaway slaves, or even shipwrecked Turkish sailors, some other band of lost souls. Odd though, that they have English surnames, then, isn't it? More on this later.
By March 1568 Pardo's work was finished. In 1572 father Montero left the Wateree/Guateri. His mission was abandoned. (5). The Spanish failed in their attempt to make the Catawba and the bands of Indians associated with them into Spanish Colony. They were still a strong Indian Nation in the 1570's. By the 1720s they were a rag-tag remnant of a great nation. What changed in the 150 years between 1570-1720? Blumer's book just cuts to the Tuscarora wars of 1711-1713. That and the Yamasee wars of the following year saw a great decline in fortunes of these Eastern Siouans. Before we delve into those wars, we need to know what happened to the Indians between the Spanish years, the 1570s, and the Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars. What happened between 1572 and 1711?

1572-1711
There is very little to go on about the eastern Siouan peoples from 1572 to 1670, and there is nothing from 1572 to 1711 (or very little) in Dr. Blumer's book. Other writers have a little and I hope it will fill in a few of the gaps.

The Tuscarora and Yamassee Wars and Repercussions, 1711-1717
Per Blumer, the Tuscarora Wars has several causes. He says I.] “The Indians objected the settlement of New Bern, North Carolina in 1710. ii.] The Indian traders also cheated the Tuscarora Indians regularly. The last straw was iii.] The ill treatment of intoxicated Tuscarora by a settler. towards a major confrontation with North Carolina. I.] Seneca agitation also pushed the Tuscarora towards a major agitation with North Carolina.
The Tuscarora attack wa carefully planned. At dawn, September 22nd, 1711, over 130 settlers were killed by noon. Survivors fled to Bath and New Bern. For the next four months, the Tuscarora pillaged at will. Captives were tortured, and executed.
South Carolinian Captain John Barnwell left Charles Town with only 30 men, but travelled inland to recruit an Indian and then pouncing on the Tuscarora from the west. Blumer says that it is thought the Tuscarora had only recently moved south into North Carolina, onto Catawban lands. I do not know the evidence for this. But we do know the Tuscarora and the Catawba were traditional enemies, and had been for some time. They needed no convincing to go to war with the Tuscarora. The Yamassee were also recruited. The Tuscarora were no match for their combined forces. Blumer says Barnwell recruited 500 Indians, 350 of which were Catawba and their allies. Blumer mentioned Congaree, Waxhaw, Wateree, Cheraw and others allied to these Catawban peoples.
Blumer gives an impressive view of what a catawba warrior looked like in the old days. I feel I need to report what he says of their appearance. He says:
The Catawba and their allies went to war in the traditional way. The women combed their men's hair with bear grease and red root. The men's ears were decked out with feathers, copper, wampum, and even entire birds wings. The men painted their faces with vermillion. Often one eye was circled in black paint, and the other in white.
War dances were performed, and the men set out looking as fierce as possible. Blucher goes on to say some had guns and others had bows and arrows. He says; In full traditional battle attire, the Catawba must have been an impressive site. The name of the Catawba War Captain who led the nation on this expedition has been lost to history. None of the Indians would enter a war party without the urging of a powerful war captain who had won the right to carry snake images on his person in paint or tattoo.
Now Indian warfare was not as Barnwell had expected. The first battle was at the Tuscarora village of Narhantes. The Catawba took as many captives as they could get their hands on, and headed for the slave markets of Charleston, and sold them. By the end of February 1712, Barnwell's army consisted of about 90 Whites, and 148 Indians, mostly Yamassees. On March 1st, Barnwell's army entered Tuscarora King Hancock's town, which was deserted. On March 5th, King Hancock's fort was surrounded. He threatened to torture his captives in frout of Barnwell's men. Both sides agreed to hold a conference on March 19th at Bachelor's Creek. The Tuscarora did not show up.
Barnwells reputation began to slide. He was forced to return to the Catawba towns, and get them to return to the battle. On April 7th, Barnwell's reinforced army returned to Hancock's Fort. These attacks lasted 10 days. Again, his Catawba allies gathered as many captives as possible, and headed to the slave markets of Charleston.
Blumer adds; Disappointed but determined to turn a profit, Barnwell lured Indians into Forn Barnwell on the pretext of a meeting. Once inside the fort, these unfortunate souls were held captive and shipped off to Charleston. Barnwell would have his profit in Indian flesh.
As a result of Barnwell's short but bloody Tuscarora incursions, all the Indians lost their confidence in the Christian Whites. The Tuscarora began their exodus to Canada, to be with their Iroquoian relatives. The Five Nations were going to become the Six Nations. They ever after wards held a great grudge against the Catawba and their allies. And because of Barnswell's actions in obtaining his own slaves, the Catawba quit trusting the Whites. (6) This would lead us to the next war with the Tuscarora.




The Second Tuscarora War
As Blumer states, The Tuscarora continued to ravage the countryside, just before their exodus to the north, in the same way the Israelites spoiled the Egyptians before fleeing Egypt. Settlers remained behind palisades and fortresses, afraid to venture out, but doing little to hep themselves, depending mostly of South Carolinians. Some fled the colony. In June 1712, a delegation of North Carolinians again asked South Carolina to come to their rescue.
Colonel James Moore set off form Charleston in October, 1712, to gather an Indian army. Barnwell then says somehting odd. He says; After Barnwell's deception, Moore's recruiting was rather slow. Rather than halt at Waxhaw Town (as did Barnwell), he marched further to the catawba towns, presumably to coax the Catawba directly. His fist task was to convince the Catawba War captians that a war against the Tuscarora was to their advantage . . .once the war captains agreed, they began the war ritual. He took up a pot drum and danced counterclockwise around his house, performing a call to war song. When a crowd of men gathered, the war captian recited the crimes of the Tuscarora against the Catawba. Then the war captain and their men fasted for three days. They purged their bodies of impurities with the powerful emetic button snakeroot.
Colonel Moore crossed the Cape Fear River with 500 Catawba and their Catawban allies, 300 Cherokee and 50 Yamassee; 33 Whites led the force. They joined 140 members of the North carolina militia. (7)
Menawhile, not all the Tuscarora were part of the rebellion. King Blound delivered King Hancock, leader of the rebellion, to the North Carolinians, who was then executed. Moore, rather than attack the Tuscarora, stayed in the North Carolina communities of New Bern, and Bath, and Albemerle. Without provisions, the Indian army gathered provisions amongst the settlers, eating their cattle and other rations. While Moore waited, the Tuscarora strengthened their fortress at Neoheroka. Their fortress consisted of 1.5 acres of man made caves, palisaded walls, and strong buildings with a source of water inside. After a bloody battle, Fort Neoheroka fell on March 20ieth, 1713. 475 Tuscarora were killed and another 415 were sold into slavery. This was the end of the Tuscarora resistance. A band of the Tuscarora remained in North Carolina with King Blount, and others not sold into slavery fled north to join their Tuscaroran relatives who had already fled to live with the Six Nations. (8)
From this time forth the Six Nations and the Catawba would be at war until the Catawba and their allies were completely and utterly ruined.
Also notice the mention of how Moore went beyond the Waxhaw. Later a claim is made that the Catawba destroyed the Waxhaw, but that claim was by South Carolinians. We know it was said there were only 50 Yamassee with Moore, whereas there were hundreds earlier. We also know Barnwell took friendly Indians as slaves to the slave market in Charleston. It might be argued that the Waxhaw village and some of the Yamassee were those so enslaved.
We shall also see the small pox killed off many of the Indians, including the Catawba. They proved unable to battle all these foes at one time. Their numbers dwindled to a pitiful few that forgot much of their heritage. I hope to write these things to resemble a coal of a fire or a lamp in the darkness of the history of the people. There was only one more great war where the Catawba fought for themselves.




The Yamassee War 1715-1716
Although the next conflict of the era is called “The Yamassee War” of 1715-1716, the Catawba were the largest Indian component, with 570 warriors. The Yamassee by comparrison, supplied only 400 warriors. According to Blumer, “All the Catawban speaking groups in both of the Carolinas joined this effort to expel the Europeans from the Southeast.”
Per Blumer; The Indians had many grievances against the settlers. They included abuses of a cruel and obscene nature committed by the white traders who worked among the Indians. i.] Abuses such as murder and rape were common. ii.] If needed, they would help themselves to the Indians crops and not pay for the food.. iii.] In addition, the traders fomented Indian wars to foster the Indian slave trade. iv.] Other grievances included white settlements that encroached on Indian lands.
Blumer says the war was instigated by the Creek Indians, but the settlers thought it must have been instigated by the French at Mobile Bay, or the Spaniards at Saint Augustine. Blumer also speaks of the sale of free Indians into slavery by unscrupulous traders in the Indian towns. These are many of the causes and sentiments for the origins of the Yamassee War of 1715-1716. Virtually every Indian community took part in the rebellion.
On April 15th, 1715, ninety percent of the traders working in the Indian towns were killed. In the process, 40 colonists were killed. South carolina mustered an army under General George Chicken. Per Blumer, The Indians suffered a defeated at Goose Creek, and the Catawba and their allies had second thoughts about the war. On July 19th, 1715, the Catawba sued for peace. . . on October 18th, 1715, a delegation [of Catawba] went to Williamsburg, Virginia. A second conference was called on Feburary 4th, 1716. Virginia Governor Spotswood wanted the Catawba headmen to deliver their sons of their headmen to Fort Christanna. This exchange occurred by April of 1717. The end of the war occurred when the last of the Yamassee fled to Fort Augustine, Florida. Those not lucky enough to flee were sold into slavery. It is thought some of the Yamassee took shelter with the Catawba, and some with the Creek. But their tribe is now considered extinct as a nation. (9)

King Haigler
KingHaigler (also known as Nopkehee) was born about 1700. King Whitmannetaugehehee was king during the time of the Yamassee War. As a result of the Catawban participation in the Yamassee War, the Catawba were to deliver young men to Fort Christanna as ransom, also to be educated. Dr. Blumer suspects Nopkehee might have been one of these eleven based upon his age. King Haigler is the most famous of the Catawba rulers.
First, Haigler is noted for helping to negotiate a treaty of peace with the Six Nations. These are the Iroquois of New York and neighboring Canada. For mnay years, a war had been going on between the Iroquois in New York and the Catawba and related bands in the Carolinas and Virginia (10). These wars were intensified after the defeat of the Tuscarora and their emigration to New York. In June 1751 King Haigler and 5 other Catawba elders and a translated. They left Charleston, South Carolina, aboard the HMS Scorpion, arriving in New York harbor on June 7th, 1751, at Fort George. They arrived at Albany, New York, the site of the conference, on June 30th. According to Blumer, the Mohawk forced the Catawba to dance with their feathers pointing down in humiliation. King Haigler and King Hendrick of the Mohawk smoked a peace pipe. When the Six Nations presented King Haigler with a wampum belt, the peace was final.
Per Blumer a delegation of Iroquois visited the Catawba the next year, 1752. Blumer then adds that “During this period, the Cherokee invited the Catawba to incorporate with them and King Haigler refused.”
He spoke against the evils of alcohol, and against dual justice, that is, one set of laws for the White man and one for the Indians. He defended women as vital for every nation. In 1756, he signed a treaty with the Colony of Virginia. Blumer says “He still maintained his residence at Pine tree Hill, the ancient location of Cofitachique.” But the world of the Catawba was in decline, their numbers shrinking. He tried to get some of the former tributary tribes to move in with them, and some did. Others were, however, slowly becoming assimilated into White culture. Speaking of White Culture, settlers ee encroaching onto his lands and he was powerless to stop them. A great tragedy occurred in 1759, when half of the Catawba Nation died of Small Pox (11).
Per Blumer, “A second high point in King Haigler's career came when he negotiated the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 70 miles to the north of the Waxhaw Old Fields on the banks of the Catawba River. About 16 miles west of what was soon to become the village of Lancaster.” In 1760, per the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill, he ceded most of the 55,000 square-mile land base of the Catawba. Settlers had already moved onto most of it, anyway. He was able to keep two million aces near the Waxhaw Old Fields.
On August 30, 1763, King Hagler was traveling from his town to visit the Waxhaws. The story goes that he was attacked by seven Shawnee, shot six times, and scalped. This crime occurred only months before King Hagler was to attend a Treaty signing at Augusta, Georgia. His death was convenient for both Carolinas. Also the terms of the Pine Tree Hill Treaty were conveniently lost. Colonel Ayers, inexperienced, represented the Catawba in Augusta. Instead of keeping two milling acres, the Catawba lands dwindled down to 15 square miles (12).

Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 1760
At the time of first contact between the Catawba and Associated Bands and the Europeans in 1521, the Catawba and Associated bands claimed a land base of 55,000 square miles. After the 1570s, the Spanish interest in their nation waned. They made a few attempts at establishing a colony on the Carolina coast, and a few slave raiding expeditions came north from the Spanish Caribbean. After Father Montero left in the 1570's, little effort was made to convert the Indians to the Christian faith.
There was a hundred luff in contact with Europeans, until about 1670, and the arrival of the English. Every emigrant who landed at Charleston, South Carolina, took a parcel of Catawba land. There were many thousands of settlers, some of whom took hundreds of acres of land. After only 90 years, by 1760, most Catawba lands were cone, and few Catawba remained, scattered in pockets, with the ancient capital Cofitachique at a place now called Camden, still their capital, although by 1760 it was called “Pine Tree Hill”. With the nation but a fragment of its former glory, King Haigler realized a need for a new treaty in the hopes that it would prevent more settlers from claiming his nation's lands
The Catawba agreed to abandon Pine Tree Hill and move north to the Waxhaw Old Fields, near prsent day Lancaster, South Carolina. The text of the treaty has been lost (some say conveniently). By the terms of the treaty, the Catawba lost their lands in Virginia and much of both Carolinas. King Haigler did keep two million acres of land however, for the Catawba. Much ancestral lands, were gone for ever, from central North Carolina to Danville, Virginia(13).
Blumer's only description of the lands the Catawba kept say “They kept control of two million acres centered in a circle around the Waxhaw Old Fields.” Blumer goes on to say “Thinking the Indian way, he kept Catawba hunting rights to all of South Carolina” (14).
Although the treaty no longer exists. Somewhere there must be a record of what it included, as Dr. Blumer continues to describe what was in the treaty. He says that South Carolina Governor Bull agreed to prevent White settlers from moving to within thirty miles of any Catawba settlement, and to remove those who trespassed within those limits.
The Catawba immediately moved to the region provided for them, around the Waxhaw Old Fields. Blumer says it s thought both North Carolina and Virginia went unmentioned in the treaty, however much of the land ceded by the Catawba was in their realms. Both states immediately siezed the lands permitting settlers access to it.
In reality, North Carolina settlers had already moved onto some of the lands reserved to the Catawba, and since the treaty wasn't signed by North Carolina's Governor Dobbs, he didn't feel compelled to obey it. South Carolina had promised to build a fort to protect the Indians, but didn't do so for many years. When Catawba hunters fanned out about South Carolina for fur trading, mobs of Whites bat them and stole their furs. So much for hunting rights. With King Haigler's murder in 1763, the whole treaty came under question. Apparently the Catawba lost even most of the two million acres they were supposed to receive. In 1979 an an unsuccessful attempt was made to find a copy of the treaty, unsuccessfully.
Blumer states, “As it stands, what little we know of the treaty is learned from secondary sources” (15). It is believed the circular dotted line from the map below was the Catawba Naton per the Pine Tree Hill Treaty of 1760, nad it is known the 1763 treaty reduced their lands to the diamond shaped lands on the map below, where the letters CN are centered.


The circular dashed line on the NC/SC border is a approximation of the the two million acre region  that King Haiglar negotiated in the 1760 Pine Tree Hill treaty that has been lost. The diamont shaped region insie the circle labeled "CN" is the fifteen square mile region renegotiated in 1763.

Augusta Treaty, 1763
Please know in 1759 a Small Pox epidemic killed off about half of the Catawba Nation. It was the year after this great loss that King Haigler signed the Pine Tree Hill Treaty. During those years they had also aligned themselves with the English during the French and Indian War. Per Blumer, they were nervously watching settlers move closer and closer. Just 3 years after the Pine Tree Hill Treaty, the Catawba were back at the negotiating table, ready to sign another treaty. All the Southern Indians were to participate in the treaty negotiating.
In July of 1763 the King of England issued a proclamation to the colonies that only the British Crown could purchase Indian lands.
The Catawba arrived in Savannah on October13, 1763 with a delegation of 60 men, women and children. By the end of October, the Chickasaw, Creek, Choctaw, and lastly Cherokee arrived around Savannah. King Haigler had just died 2 months earlier, and their contingent was headed by Colonel Ayers. In three years the Catawba had signed 2 treaties, one in which their land base went from 55,000 square miles down to 2,000,000 acres, and the second in which they could claim only 15 square miles, or 144,000 acres. It is easy to blame Col. Ayers, but he was not as experienced as King Haigler. I suspect he did his best, and the English probably used his lack of experience against him. Had Haigler lived, perhaps they might have retained more land. We may never know (16).
Blumer quotes part of the treaty transcripts: “The Catawba's are all of one mind . . . His land was all spoiled. He had lost a great deal both by scarcity of Buffalo and Deer. They have spoiled him 100 miles every way and never paid him. His hunting lands formerly extended to the Pedee River, but is driven right to the Catawba Nation.
If he could kill any deer he would carry the meat to his family and the skiins to the White People . . .”
Little of the treaty actually concerns the Catawba:
i.] We, the Catawba headmen and warriors . . . declare that we will remain satisfied with the tract of land fifteen miles square. ii.] The Catawbas shall not in any respect be molested by any of the King's subjects. iii.] Their lands are to be surveyed and iv.] they are allowed to hunt off tribal lands (17)

The American Revolution
The Revolutionary war puzzled the Catawba. They did not understand the settlers fighting one another. The Catawba by this time were ruled by King Frow. Preparations for war by neighboring South Carolinians worried King Frow. He sent two runners to Charleston to find out what was going on. South Carolina let them know that they expected the Catawba to side with the state, and they were also expected to send a delegation to secure the allegiance of the Cherokee.
King Frow soon abdicated, and was replaced by General New River. He was said to have been a “war hero of great merit.”
About this time the Catawba sent a delegation to Charlotte, North Carolina, and were present at the Declaration of Charlotte. At this moment, there was no turning back. Another warrior is mentioned – Pine Tree Ceorge, a war captain. As in days and years gone by, the men danced and fasted, and the women combed the mens hair in bear grease. The men decorated their heads with deer tails, which identified them as loyal to the Revoutionaries.In October 1775, 25 Catawba enlisted under Samuel Boykin.I February 1776 Boykin commanded 34 Catawbas and was used in the Low-country to round up run away slaves.In August 1776, 20 Catawba fought beside Colonel AndrewWilliamson's men against the Cherokee. Per Blumer, many Revolutionary War records are sketchy and are probably incomplete (18).
One major event during the American Revolution that involved the Catawba was during the summer of 1780. At this time, the English took the city of Charleston from the Colonists. They were aware of the sentiment of the rebel's in the area of Charlotte, North Carolina. On May 29th, the English massacred a group of American soldiers at the Waxhaws, where the Catawba lived. Later, camden fell to the British on August 16, 1780. As by now the English were aware of the Catawba participation in the war. With the fall of Camden noting stood between the Catawba towns nad the British Army. Having seen them massacre American troops who had surrendered, the Catawba decided to evacuate their homes. (19).
The entire Catawba Nation fled to the north in August, 1780. Dr. Blumer provides a map of their route. They fled north, through Charlottte and Salisbury, North Carolina. Dr. Blumer thinks they then head for Danville, Virginia. He says “The land around Danville was still occupied by Catawban speakres, and was once claimed by Cofitachique when the Catawban realm consisted of 55,000 square miles through the Carolinas and the mountains of Southern Virginia. Today we know the Indians who inhabit this area as the Monacans.” We also know that there were others in the area, people known as “Melungeons”. From Danville their route is unknown. It is thought their final destination was somewhere between Danville and Roanoke, Virginia. Some think they went to live near the Pamunkey as a Pamunkey family is later found living with the Catawba. Blumer also says “In any case the Catawba women and children were far from harm, perhaps in some unsettled hamlet such as the modern Catawba, Virginia, which is only five miles west of Roanoke.” Dr. Blumer goes on to tell us at that time, 1780, Roanoke had not been settled yet. Blumer says they returned home in 1781 with the Army of General Greene. He quotes David Hutchinson: “When General Greene turned south, the Indians brought their women and children from Virginia and dispatched some of their numbers to bring word as to the situation of the property they had left. They received word from Charlotte about thirty miles from their towns, that all was gone; cattle, hogs, fowl, ect, all gone . . . (20).

All references from --
The Catawba Nation: Treasures in History, Thomas Blumer,
(1) p.13
(2) p. 18
(3) p. 20-21.
(4) p.21-22
(5) p. 23-24
(6) p. 25-27
(7) p. 28
(8) p. 29-30
(9) p. 31-32
(10) p. 33
(11) p. 34
(12) p. 34-35
(13) p. 36
(14) p. 37
(15) p. 38
(16) p. 39-40
(17) p. 41
(18) p. 42-43
(19) p.44

(20) p. 47