CHAPTER
XIII, THE SUN RISES IN THE EAST, AND SETS IN THE WEST
Pockets in the East
-- Indian Communities East of the Mississippi, 1948;
per
a Report by the Smithsonian Institute
We have just
dispelled the lies that the Melungeons were of Portuguese ancestry for fear of
the Jim Crow Laws. I was yelping for joy, as I knew this was the exact result
you would expect if the original Melungeons were a small band of American
Indian, who were dying out. This small remnant community married with
Caucasians and Africans, to produce the present population of mixed blood
people.
But then they
had assumed the straight male line or straight female line would tell them
about the Melungeons. However, it tells them only of the ancestry of the LAST
male and the last female of the genealogical line. Since ALL of those tested
had European surnames, it told of the original Caucasian branch of these
families. Surnames tell us of our male line as well. My last name is Hawkins,
so my y-chromosomal DNA test, I'd expect, would show my family was English. Lo and behold, it did! We go back to Kent in
the southeastern corner of England. My
Hawkins’ were Saxons. My mitochondrial DNA goes back to my mother's mother's,
mother's . . . ad infinitum, mother. Well my Melungeon blood goes through my
father, so Mama’s mtDNA would never go back to them. Turns out it goes back to
Scandinavia. And the Vikings left a big footprint in England, Ireland. Scotland,
and Wales, so that's understandable. The two best known DNA tests won't help me
discover my Melungeon ancestors one iota.
Let me
remind you about what the Smithsonian Institute said several generations ago.
years back. They thought the Melungeons were JUST AS INDIAN as the state
recognized tribes of today's Virginia and the Carolinas. I will quote those
passages about the Eastern Siouan and some other remnant tribes found in the
East, especially in Virginia and the Carolinas. (258)
Annual Report, Smithsonian
Institute, 1948; Surviving Indian Groups (258)
This was a
report of the remaining Indian groups in the East in 1948. Some of these groups
were Siouan and part of the old Yesaw/Esaw Nation. They are the people about
which this book covers. Here is what was said about these Siouan groups.
VIRGINIA
Amherst County Issues
This group of about 500 or 600 mixed blood is located
in the central part of Amherst County about 4 or 5 miles west of the county
seat. The principle settlements are on Bear Mountain and Tobacco Row Mountain
in the Blue Ridge. At the extreme western end of the county is another mixed
group of similar origin derived from Indian, White, and in some localities,
Negro blood.
Rockbridge County
Brown People
To the northwest of Amherst County is Rockbridge
County is a small group located on Irish Creek, not more than twelve miles east
of Lexington, Virginia, and called Brown People. Their number is estimated at
300, and they show a mixture of White, Indian, and occasionally Negro blood.
Like the Issues of Amherst County, they are a group apart from both Whites and
Negroes.
Melungeons or Ramps .
. .
The Virginia Melungeons are found on the mountain
ridges such as Copper Ridge, Clinch Ridge and Powell Valley in Lee and Scott
Counties, in the vicinity of Coeburn and Norton in Wise County, near Damascus
in Washington County, and in the western Dismal area of Giles County. No
estimate of their numbers is available but they probably amount to several
thousand. They show dark skin with straight or curly black hair and high cheek
bones. The chief family names of Melungeons in the area are Bolen, Collins,
Gibson or Gipson, Freeman, Goins, and Sexton.
Thus in
1948 the Melungeons were considered one of the “Surviving Indian Groups” of
Virginia! The town of Coeburn, mentioned above as a place the Melungeons
settled, was originally named “Gist's Station” – it was named after one of my
direct ancestors, Nathaniel Gist. This is NOT the famous Nathaniel Gist, but it
is his first cousin of the same name.
But instead
of being proud of our American Indian heritage, too many researchers have added
muddy waters. dirtying them until you cannot see what lies beneath, claiming
our heritage is everything BUT American Indian. Remember Occam’s Razor, add
nothing but what is necessary to explain a thing.
NORTH CAROLINA
Siouan or Croatan
This group is said to number upwards of 16,000 persons
. . . Physical measurements indicate the presence of Indian, White, and Negro
types. There is said to be a tendency for the lighter individuals and families
to hold aloof from the darker ones just as in the case of the Nanticokes or
Narangassettes. They are found in greatest concentration in Robison County, but
occur in considerable numbers in the nearby counties of Bladen, Columbus,
Cumberland, Harnet, Sampson, and Scotland. Across the border in South Carolina
they occur in Marlboro, Dillon, Marion, and Horry Counties.
The family names of these people are Allen, Bennet,
Berry, Bridger, Brooks, Brown, Bulter, Chapman, Chaves, Coleman, Cooper, Cumbo,
Dare, Graham, Harris, Harvie, Howe, Johnson, Jones, Lassie, Little, Locklear,
Lowrie, Lucas, Martin, Oxendine, Paine, Patterson, Powell, Sampson, Scott,
Smith, Stevens, Taylor, Vickers, White, Willes, Wilkenson, Wood, and Wright. .
. .
The state [North Carolina] has recognized their
special status and they are endowed with a special school system from both
Whites and Negroes.
Miscellaneous Indians
of North Carolina
In northeastern Person County on the Virginia border
in located a group . . . who number about 400 persons. They also occur just
across the state line in Halifax County, Virginia, around Christie and
Virginilana. The chief family names are Coleman, Epps, Martin, Shephard,
Stewart and Talley. The state of North Carolina maintains an Indian School for
these people . . . The Person County Indians may be descendants of a small band
of Saponi who, according to early census reports, inhabited Granville County,
North Carolina (from which Person County was later set off.).
In northeastern North Carolina, in Dare and Hyde
Counties, and in Roanoke Island are to be found a few Indian remnants of the
Machapunga Tribe mixed with White and Negro blood. Their family names are Pugh,
Daniels, Berry and Prescott.
Somewhat west of Person County in Rockingham County,
the census record of 1930 reports a considerable number of Indians. The
identity of this group is not known.
SOUTH CAROLINA
[p. 422] Four major geographical groups may be
distinguished, namely i.] Catawba, on the northern border; ii.] Croatans, also
on the northern border; iii.] Red Bones and other groups on the capital; and
iv.] Brass Ankles in coastal areas. Altogether these groups may total over
10,000 persons . . . They have lost almost everything that would distinguish
them as Indian except their physical appearance. The latter is of course
greatly modified by mixture with White and Negro blood, yet these people are
recognized locally as being distinct from both White’s and Negroes. They have
their own mixed blood schools . . .
The chief family names among these mixed-bloods are
Boone, Braveboy, Bunch, Chavis, Creek, Driggers, Goins, Harmon, Russell, Scott,
Swett and Williams.
Catawbas
The
remnants of this tribe are located at a small settlement on the banks of the
Catawba River in York County, about 9 miles southeast of Rockhill, the county
seat . . . The 1930 census returns 159 Indians in York County. Their blood
seems to be mostly a mixture of White and Indian.
Conclusion About Melungeon Indians
Everyone of
the groups of families on the list above in Virginia and the Carolinas, is
state recognized . . . except the Melungeons. We are no different than they
are, and we show family ties back to both the Lumbee and various Siouan groups
along the Virginia/North Carolina border. While all the other descendants of
the outlying bands of the Catawba were contacting state governments trying to
get state recognition as Indian, the Melungeons were arguing over whether they
were Portuguese, Turkish or Jewish!
State Recognized Siouan Tribes in
Virginia and the Carolinas, as of January 2018 (259)
Here is a
list of Siouan tribes recognized by the states of Virginia and the Carolina’s,
found on a website online I hope the list is accurate and all inclusive. There
has been a sort of a revival of the people being able to access their culture.
West of the Mississippi River, I am afraid just the opposite has happened.
Virginia
Monacan
Indian Nation -- https://www.monacannation.com/
CURRENT NEWS! As I write, I hear
congress just passed a bill making the Monacan federally recognized. I don’t
know if that man sitting in the White House has signed it yet or not, though. https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/virginia-politics/senate-sends-bill-recognizing-six-virginia-indian-tribes-to-president-trumps-desk/2018/01/11/80c56260-f6f3-11e7-b34a-b85626af34ef_story.html?utm_term=.95f419472017
North Carolina
Haliwa
Saponi Tribe -- http://haliwa-saponi.com/
Lumbee Tribe
of Cheraw Indians -- http://www.lumbeetribe.com/?lightbox=dataItem-j0130tq82
Occaneechi
Band of Saponi Indians
Sappony
Tribe
Waccamaw
Siouan Development Association
South Carolina
Pee Dee
Tribe of South Carolina
If I have
left anyone out, I apologize. Knowing me as I do, I probably did.
Not Everyone in the East has Legal
Status
The group
left out, who doesn’t have legal status as “Native American”, are those people
associated with the Melungeons of southwestern Virginia, northeastern
Tennessee, and eastern Kentucky. That is because of all the people who have
mistakenly called our ancestors “Portuguese adventurers”. It will take a great
deal of time to undo the damage those stories have done. A good friend told me
about a newspaper article dated 1901.
Many Melungeon families moved from southwestern Virginia and
northeastern Tennessee to Magoffin County, in eastern Kentucky. This newspaper article
is about them. It confirms the status of these people of being of
Catawban/Saponi heritage. Here are a few excerpts from it.
A correspondent writing from Salyersville, Ky says:
It is not generally known there are Indians scattered
all over the mountains of Kentucky, but in nearly every county in the eastern
section may be found families named Cole, Perkens, Mullins or Sizemore, many in
some-way related to “Old Billie” Cole, a Catawba Chief, who came here from
North Carolina and settled in Floyd County nearly a century ago. (260)
So even as
late as 1901 some groups still knew they came from the Catawba in North
Carolina.
The Sun Sets in the
West
A Few came West Early, Immigration
to Arkansas of the “Lungens”
The first
occasion where the term "Melungeon" occurs that anyone has discovered
at this point is from “A History of Baxter County, Arkansas” by Mary Anne Mesick. It was written after the fact. In
reality the term "Melungeon" had already been used by the time the
author uses it in this case, but she speaks of an earlier time when the term
"Lungen" was used. For this reason, I am mentioning it first. My
family also immigrated to Arkansas at an early date. A second time the word is
found is in the minutes of Stoney Creek Primitive Baptist Church. My family
also attended that church, and our names are mentioned quite a lot in those
church minutes.
p. 4. In
this chapter, the author lists several Indian tribes that at one time lived in
Baxter County, and lists several that are not tribes at all. Others NEVER lived
in Baxter County, or if they did it was long before contact with Europeans.
Some tribes that were there are Osage, Delaware, Shawnee, Kickapoo, and
Cherokee, the last four arriving early in the 19th century. And she does list
them. (261)
p. 5. She
mentions that while Arkansas was still claimed by Spain, the Spanish encouraged
the displaced American Tribes to settle on their lands in Missouri and
Arkansas. She speaks of the Cherokees living along the White River. Now these
displaced tribes settled on what the Osages had considered their hunting
grounds. Warfare was inevitable. After a few years this became American soil. Ms.
Messick speaks of a Major Jacob Wolfe who in 1810 established a Trading Post
and Indian Agency in Baxter County, saying he is called the father of Baxter
County. (262)
p. 6. Now
we come to the pages that mention the “Lungeons”. She says “. . . another Jacob came up White River in search of fortune and
adventure.” She calls him a son of Old Erin (Ireland), lately of McMinnville,
Tennessee. He and a man named McDonald, four slaves, and four other men poled a
flat boat up White River until they found a spot to their liking. The exact
spot of their first trading post, which has been lost. Then the author states
“in the unpublished manuscript of my late father, Herbert A. Messick, he writes
this concerning his great grandfather Herbert A. Mooney . . .” We now know
the origin of this source. A man was telling family stories, and they were
passed down from earlier generations. (263)
In the next
paragraph she continues; “By the fall
they had constructed one log building, for the store and two cabins for living
quarters. The four men who had come with Mooney were men of Mystery, referred
to by old timers who knew of them as “Lungeons”. They were neither Negro nor
Indian and in later years Jacob Mooney was ostracized for living with these
“foreigners.” (264)
I so wish
the author had given her father’s exact words from his unpublished manuscript.
One can easily twist the meaning by changing a word or two, something the
person paraphrased that can be taken in a different light than intended. She
places the word “foreigner” in parenthesis. She assumes them of Mediterranean
heritage, saying; “Could these men have
been Melungeons – the mysterious people of the hills of Tennessee who have
recently been identified as being Mediterranean’s possibly of Jewish lineage,
and who lived in America prior to Columbus’s discovery of the “New World”? How
can anyone think these things? Unbelievable.
She
continues with Mooney and McDonald (one of the items they took with them to
Arkansas was a Whiskey still – moonshine is also indigenous to Arkansas)
creating their own whiskey from local ingredients. "Whisky" suggests
to me a Scottish or Irish ancestry, not Mediterranean. They soon returned to
Tennessee. Both men later joined Ol’ Hickory (Andrew Jackson) during the War of
1812, serving near New Orleans. She says that after nine years, Mooney returned
to Arkansas with a wife and four children.
At the
bottom of page 4, she speaks of Mooney’s return to a place now called “Mooney’s
Landing”. She mentions going up White River to a place called “Bates Town”.
That’s got to be Batesville, in Independence County. In the record of my
William Wayland, it mentions him being an overseer to a road in 1819 going to
White River at Batesville. William Wayland is one of my g-g-g-grandpa’s. His
parents attended Stony Creek Primitive Baptist Church. He was a son of Nevil
Sr. and Keziah (Gibson) Wayland.
Friday,
November 26, 1819, William Wayland is appointed overseer of the second road of
said township . . . [note: it is talking about Strawberry River Township --
about 20 miles from Batesville. Batesville is on the banks of the White River]
. . . (265)
Tuesday,
January 15th, 1822 -- P 13, Samuel Crow is appointed overseer of the road
leading from Donaldsville to White River [note: there is no Donaldsville in
that area -- must have been a short-lived community] . . . in place of William
Wayland . . . (266)
Since the
events of this chapter of that book occurred in 1810, and it says he was gone 9
years, it seems to be saying he returned to Batesville about 1819 as well.
William Wayland and this Jacob Mooney might well have bumped into one another
near White River, near Batesville, but who can say? This was a scarcely settled
country in 1819.
p. 7.
Things get even more interesting. She says . . . Wolfe had performed several
weddings for Mooney’s men and Quapaw Indian maidens.” Well, four of Mooney’s
men were “Lungeons”. Had these “Lungeon” men married into the Quapaw Tribe? The
Quapaw are a small Siouan tribe, indigenous to Arkansas north of the Caddo,
west of the Chickasaw (when the Chickasaw were in Mississippi), and south of
the Osage. They now reside in Northeastern Oklahoma.
Here is the
second reference she makes to the “Lungeons”. She says “Mooney continued to commute between his wife in Tennessee and his
trading post in Arkansas until his death in 1832. By the time he moved to
Arkansas for good, his former slaves and the “Lungeon” men had died and most of
their families had moved west with the other Indians . . . later, Jacob Mooney
had lived near the Whiteville Church, and is buried there. When the cemetery
was fenced, Mooney’s grave and the graves of the mixed bloods who lived with
him were left outside.” (267)
Interesting
it says the families of the Lungen men moved west with the other Indians. Are
the "Lungens" the mixed bloods whose graves were left outside the
fenced in cemetery? It says they were buried outside the consecrated grounds
with the “mixed bloods”. It sounds as if some of these Lungeon men’s
descendants had married those Quapaw women, and their descendants moved west
with them. Remember the Quapaw were NOT the only tribe in Missouri and Northern
Arkansas. So were the Delaware, Miama, Shawnee, and others.
The Story of Hosea Morgan
I found an
interesting document online. This article is about what happened to a Catawba man
who moved to Indian Territory/Oklahoma and Arkansas.
In 1834 Hosea
Morgan was from Arkansas. He said he was Catawba, and he wanted to live in the
Cherokee Nation, West, in Oklahoma. He was given a flat denial – NO! They said
he looked Spanish but he said he was Catawba Indian. Remember most of the bands
associated historically with the Catawba had been largely assimilated by the
time of the French and Indian War 1756-1763 or the Revolution two decades
later. There are records of Catawba serving in both conflicts. They were
becoming more mixed-blood each generation. Unless they wanted to marry their cousins
(and there were tribal taboos against that) they married either local Whites or
Blacks. We are talking about a few hundred, maybe a thousand or so, survivors
scattered over a dozen locations from Virginia to South Carolina, in the
beginning. After several generations, their numbers grew larger as their blood
quantum grew smaller.
Go here -- https://www.galileo.usg.edu/ . Log on as a
guest and scroll dowm to “86. Native American Documents” and click on there. If
you search for appropriate key words you will find the document below.
Image 4.
Hosea Morgan Document
Aquohee Dist Apr. 3. 1834,
To the Gentlemen of the Delegation.
Gentlemen.
I take the liberty to inform you that Hosea Morgan who
kept my mill has had the field and houses assessed to him as an emigrant to the
Arkansas. And Major Curry Gave the good will of it to a White man named Roland
Terry.
I waited on Major Curry and stated the case to him and
I had many witnesses Present to prove my right to the place and that the man
who had the place assessed was no Citizen of the Nation nor had any right of
claim whatever to enroll as a Cherokee.
The old man is supposed to be a Spaniard but calls
himself a Catawba Indian. His wife is said to be Negro.
John Smith his X mark
Test -- E Jones
We the undersigned certify that a man named Hosea
Morgan Having the appearance of a Spaniard but representing himself to be a
Catawba Indian having spent many years among the Spaniards and having with him
a Negro family, came into this District six or seven years ago or there abouts.
On his first arrival he applied to the Council for
permission to reside in the Nation as a Citizen but was refused About two years
ago Mr. Smith obtained a permit for him to attend his mill. But he has never
made any pretentions to have any right or title to land or Citizenship in the
Nation till he was received as an emigrant to the Arkansas.
Now we respectfully but earnestly protest against,
persons having no Cherokee blood and possessing no sort of title in our country
being allowed to alienate portions of the land in this way which we conceive to
be utterly unlawful for our own acknowledged citizens to do.
Signed on behalf of a full meeting of the Citizens of
the Dist.
Test. -- Situagi his X mark, Sweetwater his X mark, Peter
his X mark
Mr. Morgan asked permission to reside in the Cherokee Nation as a citizen, but was refused. (268)
Mr. Morgan asked permission to reside in the Cherokee Nation as a citizen, but was refused. (268)
The Treaty of Nation's Ford, 1840
The
removals of the other southeastern tribes that had taken place throughout the
1830s, culminating in the Cherokee removal throughout the winter of 1838-1839
that became known as the “Trail of
Tears.” South Carolina decided they didn't want any Indians left in their state
either. They decided to give them to North Carolina. Unfortunately, no one
bothered to tell the North Carolinians, and they refused to take them in. This
treaty is known as “The Treaty of Nation's Ford. I found this 1840 treaty between
the state of South Carolina and the Catawba Nation.
A treaty entered into at the Nation's Ford Catawba
between the chiefs and headmen of the Catawba Indians of the one part and the
commissioners appointed by the legislature of South Carolina and acting under
the commissioners from his excellency Patrick Noble, Esq., Governor and
Commander in Chief of the State of South Carolina of the other part.
Article First – The chiefs and headmen of the Catawba
Indians for themselves and the Nation. Hereby agree to ??? sell and convey to
the state of South Carolina all their right title and interest to their
boundary of land lying on both sides of the Catawba River and situate in the
Districts of York and Lancaster and which are represented in a plat of survey
made by Samuel Wiley, and dated the twenty-second day of February. One thousand
seven hundred and sixty-four, and now on file in the office of the secretary of
state.
Articles Second – The commissioners on their part
engage in behalf of the state to furnish the Catawba Indians with a tract of
land of the value of five thousand dollars, three hundred acres of which must
be good, arable lands which must be purchased for their use in Haywood County,
North Carolina, or in some other mountainous thinly populated region where the
said Indians may desire.
Article Third – The commissioners further engage that
the State shall pay the said Catawba Indians two thousand dollars annually for
the term of ten years. The first payment to which is to be paid on their
removal and on the first of January each and every year thereafter until the
whole is paid.
Please note
they were selling 144,000 acres and would be returned an un-mentioned number of
acres, three hundred acres of which had to be good land. Their new lands were
to be “in the mountains”. (269)
Some Catawba
agreed to live with the Cherokee in Haywood, North Carolina. Haywood County is
the location of the Cherokee in Western North Carolina. The Catawbans were
expected to live with their ancient enemy, the Cherokee. The fact that the
North Carolinians were not informed that the South Carolinians were dumping the
Catawba on their doorstep, didn't help things. This was a treaty between the
state of South Carolina and the Catawba. Most of the Catawba living amongst the
Cherokee quickly left. They lost their lands in South Carolina, but the land
they were promised in North Carolina never materialized. They were left
wondering about, looking for a place to stay. This state of affairs could not
continue forever.
The Indian Appropriation Act of
1848
In 1848
some of the Catawba tried to come to Indian Territory per the U. S. government
supplying money for that purpose at that time. Brown writes in “The Catawba
Indians”, p. 323 “On July 29, 1848 the
73rd Congress appropriated $5,000 to defray the expense of the move [to Indian
Territory].” Chief James Kegg wrote a letter to President James Polk at
that time and said there were 42 Catawba families who wanted to use that
appropriation to move west. He said (p 324) “We
humbly beg his Excellency the President . . .to remove us west of the
Miss[issippi] under the act of the late Congress.” (270) Still on page 324,
Brown writes, “Whether the President ever
saw the letter is problematical.” In the next paragraph Brown writes that
the Cherokee were asked if the Catawba could live amongst them and it says: “The answer from John Ross and the Cherokee
counsel was a firm NO. But before the reply was received, the Catawba
themselves expressed a preference for living among the Western Chickasaws . . .
[who] at one time had invited the Catawba to settle amongst them. Government
representatives promptly opened up negotiations with the Chickasaws among whom
– the agent was told, some of the Catawba’s descendants were already settled.”
It continues to say: “The principal men
of the tribe assured the agent that the Catawba would be welcome, but only the
council had the right to invite them, officially. But when a Chickasaw Counsel
meeting was held in February of 1849, the Catawba proposal was voted down. This
change of sentiment was attributed to the sudden death of old Chief Albertson,
a strong advocate of the Catawba’s.” (271) We have a substantial number of
Catawba Indians with no land base and no home. Many on the rejected Cherokee rolls
were in reality, Catawba mixed-bloods.
Blumer
continues to say neither Congress nor the Catawba were in a hurry to be
removed. By the late 1850s they were just getting all the paperwork for removal
to take place, but the Civil War erupted, and all eyes were focused elsewhere.
Their eyes were refocused on Indian Territory only when in the 1890s or so
Congress was talking about the Allotment Act, which would take away
"excess" Indian lands. Mixed blood Catawban Indian peoples in the
East, from the Atlantic to the Appalachians and beyond started wondering why they
were never given any land in Oklahoma, lands they’d been promised decades
earlier. (272)
In “Catawba
Nation, Treasures in History,” by Thomas J. Blumer, (pp 52-53) he writes: “The Treaty of Nations Ford is a simple
document. Article One conveyed the 144,000-acre reservation to the state of
South Carolina. This article was of course, carried out with the full
acquiescence of the Catawba. Article Two provided the Catawba with a new tract
of land far removed from White settlements. Article Two, caught in a political
vacuum between North and South Carolina, was never fulfilled. Article Three
regarded payment for the 144,000 acre reservation. South Carolina never made
proper payment and the debt remains unsettled.” (273)
He also
talks of many Catawba who left the reservation, some to settle with the Eastern
Cherokee, some just left for points unknown. No one knows how many Catawba
left, or how many there were. People had been leaving the Catawba Reservation
and assimilating, for years, for generations in fact.
Recall that
by this time ALL members of ALL the bands began to call themselves “Catawba”
rather that Esaw, or Wateree, or Sugaree, Pedee, Saponi, or other bands. They
had for the most part, died out, are could no longer defend themselves, and
simply became “citizen Indians” and assimilated into Caucasian culture where
that was allowed. Still they all united under the banner of the Catawba Nation
where possible, as well. Slavery (until 1717), disease (small pox epidemics @
1697, 1728, 1737, 1759, and @ 1780, and others unknown epidemics during Spanish
times), warfare (Tuscarora, Yamassee and other wars 1711-1717) and assimilation
(post 1720) had all done their damage, and left pitifully small remnants
scattered here and there, hardly to be remembered at all.
The “Western Catawba Indian Association”
of the 1880s-1890s
Several
years back, I exchanged several emails with Dr. Thomas Blumer , who was a
well-known Catawba historian. He has since sadly, passed on. I emailed him
family photos and our family stories. He became interested in us, and we
emailed back and forth for a couple of years. He told me of an effort to form a
“Western Catawba Indian Association” both in and near Fort Smith, Arkansas in
the 1890s. By the 1890s we had left that area and we were living in the
Chickasaw Nation. Still, he peaked my curiosity Chapman Milling said in “Red
Carolinians” (274); By the Indian appropriation act of 1848, $5,000 was set
aside to completely remove the Catawba to the Indian country west of the
Mississippi. In November of 1848 the heads of forty-two families sent a
petition to the Indian Office requesting to be allowed to be removed to the
Chickasaw Nation. Nothing materialized because of this request, however.
Eventually
a few families went to live in the Choctaw Nation and in 1855 several Catawba
were adopted into the Choctaw Nation. Muriel Hazel Wright (275) wrote “A Guide
to the Indian Tribes of Oklahoma” in 1951. In that book, she chronicled a
history of all the sixty-nine tribes that either came to Oklahoma, or are
indigenous to the state. She was Choctaw herself (her grandfather was a former
Principle Chief). She said of the Catawba — another
group left the nation during the removal period. In 1897 they formed the
Western Catawba Association at Fort Smith, Arkansas. She speaks of some who
received Choctaw citizenship in 1853. Ms. Wright said of the Catawba who
migrated to Arkansas and Oklahoma – The
descendants of some of the Catawba who settled in the Choctaw Nation are now
absorbed into the Indian population of Haskell and Le Flore Counties. The descendants of some of those who settled
in the Creek and Cherokee Nations have been reported living southeast of
Checotah in McIntosh County. The main portion of the tribe live in the Eastern
part of York County, South Carolina. There are few Catawba in Oklahoma, and
those are counted in the general Indian population of the state. They were last
enumerated as a separate tribe in this region in 1896, and their total
population in the Indian Territory being given as 132. The largest portion, or
78 lived in the Choctaw Nation, most of them in the region between the present
cities of Stigler and Spiro. Seventeen of them gave Checotah, Creek Nation, as
their post office, and 15 lived around Texanna, in the Southwestern part of the
Cherokee Nation, now included in McIntosh County. In the same year (1896) there
were 145 Catawba living in Arkansas, most of them in and around Greenwood and Barber.
She adds
(276) – In October 1848, William
Morrison, chief of a band of Catawba living at Quallatown, Haywood County,
North Carolina, addressed a letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs asking
for the appointment of a superintendent to remove his people to the Indian
Territory . . . These people expressed their preference for settlement among
the Chickasaw, but the Chickasaw council took no action on the subject. [authors
note: this was the head of 42 families – another source says this was probably
about 80 individuals. The Chickasaw as we have seen, did take action, and
rejected the Catawba proposal in February 1848.] (254) In “Red Carolinians”
Chapman J. Milling wrote the following (277) – "The Catawba Indian Association of Fort Smith, Arkansas,"
an organization having a membership of 257 persons, the alleged descendants of
Catawba who went West under the act of 1848. The petitioners were distributed
as follows in Arkansas and Indian Territory: Arkansas—Greenwood, 44, Barber,
42, Crow, 13, Oak Bower, 6, Fort Smith, 17; Indian Territory and Oklahoma -
Checotah, 17, Jackson, 15, Star, 34, Panther, 22, Oak Lodge, 10, Redland, 4,
Ramville, 2, Indianola, 3, Center, 4, Ward, 3, Sacred Heart, 1, Steigler, 2. The
petition sets forth that these Catawba families had removed west, some as late
as 1854, "journeying at their own
expense to the country west of the Mississippi River, hoping and expecting to
be there furnished with new homes..." Having never been assigned lands,
they were "left stranded in that Territory and the neighboring
states." They therefore prayed
for relief. The government took the position that the petitioners were white
men with a trace of Indian blood, and therefore not entitled to relief. The
memorial indicates, however, that descendants of Catawba Indians existed in
considerable numbers in the Southwest only 44 years ago. Although no Indians
are today recorded as Catawba in the state of Oklahoma, there is little
reasonable doubt that an appreciable amount of Catawba blood persists in the
eastern section of that commonwealth.
Milling
also says in Red Carolinians “Having
traced several distinct migrations to North Carolina, Virginia, Arkansas,
Oklahoma, Utah, Colorado, we have thus seen that the Catawba Tribe is not so
nearly extinct as was supposed and has been frequently asserted. It is true
however that the only band having any semblance of tribal status is the remnant
in South Carolina . . .” (277) I cannot help but think that had Congress
acted, there might be a Catawba Tribe of Oklahoma, too. However, since these
families have all scattered today, that is no longer possible.
I suspect
that, like the Sizemore’s, many of these families have forgotten their tribal
origins, and think their ancestors were Cherokee.
The Gentry and Lerblanche Families
Arrived in Indian Territory, also about 1848
Here is a
story of an extended Catawba Family that also moved to Indian Territory, about
1848, which is the same time as those other families mentioned above.
I need to
explain. There is a link at Oklahoma Historic Society called “Indian Pioneer
Papers”. In the 1930s there was a project to try and have old-timers who
remembered, what Indian Territory was like before statehood, in the days before
there was any law. My great Uncle, Oscar Taylor Richey, wrote about our family.
As we'll discover, these Gentry’s and Leblanche’s were mixed-blood Catawba. (278)
Willie
Leblanche told a part of their story. The Leblanche and Gentry families had
married into each other, and thus both are Catawban. The person who interviewed
her said she was from Checotah, Oklahoma. Here are a few words she chose to
tell;
“My grandfather was Elijah Hermigine Lerblanche. He
was born in March, 1836, son of a Louisiana Frenchman [another Frenchman] and Vicay Genrty, who was daughter of
Ellijay Gentry, a White man married to a full blood Catawba Indian. He came
from Alabama to the Creek Nation at the age of 12.” Alabama was the home of
many Creek Indians already, so she means their family moved from Alabama to
Oklahoma (then called Indian Territory) about 1848, several years after the
Trail of Tears. So Vicay's mother was full blood Catawba, making her half. This
means Elijah, b. 1836, was 1/4th Catawba. Apparently the whole
Gentry/Lerblanche clan moved within with the Creek Nation. They are the 17
Catawba listed that lived in and around Checotah by Milling and Wright.
Agent
Cooper gives it as his opinion that on assembling of the National Council of
the Choctaws and Chickasaws, on the payment of a reasonable sum thereof by the
United States or by the State of South Carolina. Remember the State of South
Carolina in 1840 had offered the Catawba $5,000 to give up their lands there,
but this was never paid. Again in 1848 the Federal Government had offered
another $5,000, and it too was never paid. So the Catawba were told they’d
receive $10,000 for removing to the West, to Oklahoma – five thousand from the
Federal government in the 1848 allotment, and five thousand dollars from the
state of South Carolina for their lands in South Carolina per the 1840 treaty.
To get the Choctaw to adopt them, they had promised them a parcel of that
money. Once the Choctaw adopted 19 individual Catawba, they expected to be
paid. But since neither the federal government nor the State of South Carolina ever
gave the money, as promised, to the Catawba, the Catawba could not pay the
Choctaw. Since the Choctaw were never paid, they refused to adopt any more
Catawba. Part of the federal government’s 1848 agreement was that once the
Catawba had found another tribe to adopt them, they would pay the $5,000
dollars they owed them. This became an infinite loop designed to take their
lands in South Carolina and leave them stranded and homeless. At the same time,
Indian lands in Oklahoma were given to settlers in land runs and lotteries. The
Catawba had to jump through hoops that were impossible to be jumped through, and
some of the same lands they’d been promised were freely given to others, no
questions asked.
Some Melungeon Families Were
Migrating to Oklahoma, too
It became
common knowledge that the tribes time as owners of all of Oklahoma was limited.
People known as “Boomers” were advocating for the territory to be opened up to
White settlement. Rolls for all the Oklahoma tribes were made, and numbers
counted. Each family was to be given 160 acres and excess was to be sold, or
just given away in lotteries or land runs. When peoples who descended as
mixed-bloods found still living in the eastern half of the United States, many
thought this was their chance for having lost their tribal birthright, to be
compensated.
Many
remnant Siouan groups remained, as are verified in that 1948 document of
remnant group in the east. When Dawes and Guion-Miller Rolls were made, and
there was talk of Allotment lands in Oklahoma were to be given out only to
realize the Catawba were NOT to be given any land. Many tried to apply as
Cherokee. They were just seen as non-Cherokee who were trying to get some free
land. Carlson wrote down a few of the names of some of these people who tried
to apply as Cherokee, and Forest Hazel wrote down a few more names.
Carlson
says “. . .In 1896, J. W. Perkins and
John Baldwin again petitioned the Federal Government as well as the Cherokee
Nation for permission to move as a body to Indian Territory, but the attempt
failed.” (279)
This
statement has my interest! The following thoughts are my ramblings. This is the
same timeframe that Bain and Williamson were attempting to get the “Western
Catawba Indian Association” federally recognized in Arkansas and Indian
Territory (Oklahoma) where 257 individuals petitioned the federal government.
Another record of this organization lists 4,000 members. I wonder if Perkins
and Baldwin knew of Bain and Williamson’s attempts, and vice versa?
Remember,
these groups had to have the approval of the federal Government, as well. They
wanted lands to settle on, too. But since they had been living as Whites, the
government decided they had already assimilated – and many had, why run the
risk they’d revert back to acting like “wild men”!? Again, this is just my
guess. The immigrant tribes already in Oklahoma couldn’t be persuaded to share
their lands with descendants of the Catawba, Saponi and Cheraw, and the
government wanted ALL THE INDANS to assimilate, and gradually disappear, as
these Eastern Siouan people were in the process of doing. These attempts by
many Catawban people to retain their Indian culture were doomed to failure,
from the start. There simply would be no “Western Catawba”.
Carlson
begins chapter nine, p. 333 by saying; “In
the last half of the 1800s, small groups of families and individuals of the
Salyersville Indians had been periodically moving out to the Cherokee and Creek
Nations in Indian Territory.” (280) Since this is what my family did – I am
listening. He continues; “Coincidently,
years later in an unrelated matter, many Salyersville Indian families remaining
back in Kentucky would get involved in a court claims issue regarding all
‘Eastern Cherokee.’ In the process, they would provide letters, testimonies,
and interviews which reveal the size and strength of their families as they
addressed the government as a group.” (260) Apparently the people of
Magoffin County, Kentucky only heard about the interviews for Eastern Cherokee
descendants, now known as the Guion Miller Rolls, until 1907, and the court of
claims would make its decision in 1905.
Carlson
says, p. 334; For nearly two decades
prior to the Court of Claims decision, many people from Magoffin County, both Indian
and non-Indian had been sporadically moving in small family groups out to ‘the
Nations’ in ‘Indian Territory’. I can add a little something to this. After
the Civil War thousands of ex-Confederate soldiers and officials moved to
Indian Territory. Parts of the Choctaw Nation even became known as ‘Little
Dixie’ because of all these immigrants. Speaking of Louanne Cole, Carlson says
(pp. 334-335); “Most of her children
moved out to the Cherokee Nation right before and after the Civil War.”
Carlson speaks of a grandson of Louanna who attended school in Vinita. I
mention this because there was a short article in the Vinita Newspaper talking
about an attempt to create ‘a Western Catawba Tribe’ in the 1880s-1890s.
Another member of this family moved to Bedford, Oklahoma. Carlson says; “The rest of Siss’s children (Siss was a
daughter of Louanna living in Oklahoma) in 1908 would report to the Special
Commissioner of Indian Affairs that while they knew the names of Siss’s half
brothers and sisters through Louanna (Louanna never left Magoffin County), they
did not know their present place of residence, or even if they were still
living. (281)
“Around 1880 a number of the Indians and mixed-bloods
from Magoffin County . . . would set their sights on removing to the Indian
Territory. . . most would go in large family groups. Carlson specifically
mentions three families, Daniel and Jahaza Cole, James Jackson Shephard, as
well as Shep and Mary Cole’s son, Lewis Cole.” (282)
Carlson
also mentions the Howards. He says (p. 336); “Another early connection between the people from the Magoffin County
area and Indian territory involved a member of the mixed-blood Howard family
who remained closely tied to the Salyersville Indians who later moved out
there. This was James Jackson Shephard . . . James left the Kentucky mountains
sometime between 1872 and 1880 and sat down in San Bois in Indian Territory.”
Carlson mentions several places this family lived over the next few decades,
including San Bois, Stigler, Broken Arrow . . . and even parts of western
Arkansas. Did you notice what I noticed? Stigler was one of several towns
recorded as having Catawba Indian residents as were recorded by the “Western
Catawba Indian Association”! Two Catawba were said to live there, but
unfortunately their names were not given, per a document published by the 54th
Congress, dated 13 Feb, 1897. Interestingly, Carlson says “James would hunt
deer and take the dressed meat to sell at places like Fort Smith.” I must note
my great grandparents also lived for a time in the 1870s near Fort Smith, but
just inside Indian territory, beside Sequoyah and Leflore counties. I wonder if
his family knew mine? The “Western Catawba Indian Association” was based out of
Fort Smith.
Carlson
speaks of James Shepard finally settling down in his old age at Brushy Mountain
near Muscogee in the Creek Nation, passing on in 1916. He adds; “by that point
in time the Brushy Mountain area near Muscogee had become the residence of a
number of Salyersville Indian families who had since immigrated west. He
mentions several members of the Cole and Perkins families had migrated to
Indian Territory. He mentions Lewis Cole living in Stroud. He says most of the
families that came to Indian Territory were members of the Cole, Perkins, and
Fletcher families (p. 338). (283)
Carlson
says he doesn’t know why these families came to Oklahoma just before the turn
of the century, about 1900, a little before or later. As a student of Oklahoma
and Oklahoma History, I think I know. It
had to do with land. Thousands, millions in fact, came to Oklahoma about that
time. Parts of Oklahoma were just being opened up for non-Indian settlement
from 1889 on. The Western Tribes lost their lands first to land runs and in one
case, a lottery. All the rest of the tribes lost their lands through the
“Allotment Act”. All the citizens of the Nations were first given 160 acres.
The rest was either lost in land runs, land sales, or land lotteries. Oklahoma
went from a territory of probably, oh, I don’t know, maybe 100,000 persons in
1880 to a state with a population of about three million persons by 1910. We
became a state in 1907. People from all over the country came here to get the
excess Indian lands either free or at a cheap price. And a good number of these
people were folks like my family, and like those from Salyersville, people who
had some Indian blood. Initially they’d hoped to receive an allotment of 160
acres. Discovering they were not eligible, they remained to purchase the
excess. Carlson cites some lady who said her family lived in tents and dugouts.
So did my family! My aunt wrote me a letter saying her mother (grandma) had
spoken of her parents (my great grandparents) living in covered wagons and in
half-dugouts. A great uncle also mentioned these things. (284)
Similar Findings from Forrest Hazel
Forrest
Hazel worked with some of the family groups in helping them to get recognized
as "Indian" by eastern states, specifically Virginia and the
Carolinas'. He wrote the following about those Saponi who tried to sign up as
Cherokee on the Guion-Miller roll.
"In 1904, the Eastern Band of Cherokee won a
settlement with the U.S. government based on violations of earlier treaties.
This meant that thousands of persons of Eastern Cherokee ancestry were eligible
for part of the settlement, and many of these people applied to the U.S. Court
of Claims for a share (Jordan 1987-1990). It is interesting to read these
applications, since a significant percentage of applicants were not Eastern
Cherokee, but members of other tribes. These persons would now be identified as
Lumbee, Alabama Creek, Meherrin, Haliwa, and Occaneechi (Saponi), along with a
number of individuals who probably were of unmixed white or black ancestry.
"At least 20 Occaneechi descendants also applied;
all were rejected by the commission as not being of Eastern Cherokee ancestry.
Among these were Aaron Thomas Guy, born in Caswell County, North Carolina, the
son of Henry Guy and grandson of Henry Guy. Henry Guy, Sr., was the brother of
Richard Guy, Buckner Guy, and others who moved to Macon County, North Carolina,
from the Texas community in the 1820s. Aaron Guy stated that his mother was a
free woman of color, born free and raised by the Quakers in Guilford County,
North Carolina. There is also testimony from a former slave who knew Henry Guy,
Jr., to the effect that he was an Indian, married to a colored woman. Aaron Guy
was living in Indiana at the time of his application.
"William C. Wilson, from Wichita, Kansas, also
applied. He stated that he was born near Hendersonville, North Carolina, and
was the son of Sam Wilson, a "half Cherokee," and Julian Guy. Julian
Guy was the daughter of Richard Guy and Martha Whitmore, and Martha's mother
was Lottie Jeffries. Wilson claimed that his grandfather, Richard Guy, was a
white man, although the Macon County records list him as a "Free Colored
head of Household." He also stated that his father, Sam Wilson, could
speak the Indian language. Assuming he was not exaggerating to impress the
government man, William Wilson's father may have spoken the old Saponi
language, or he may have learned Cherokee from his neighbors in Macon County.
"William and Joe Gibson, from Murphy, North
Carolina, applied, and the note "Probably Negros" was written on
their application. William Gibson stated that his parents "passed as part
Indian. No Negro blood in them." He further stated that his father spoke
the Indian language. On the bottom of his testimony is a note, presumably
written by the agent, which says, "This applicant shows the Indian so does
his brother now with him. However, their ancestors were never enrolled."
These Gibsons, who lived at various times in Tennessee and North Carolina,
probably were also related to the Gibsons found in the so-called Melungeon
groups of eastern Tennessee and western Virginia, which appear to have
originated in the early mixed-blood populations of the North Carolina Piedmont
area." (285)
The “Western Catawba Indian
Association” of the 1880s-1890s
The most
elusive of the Catawba to research are those that were called the “Western
Catawba Indian Association” (286)
Newspaper Articles About the
Western Catawba
These three
short articles about the Catawba in Arkansas were written between 1889- 1895,
and are found in the local newspaper, "The Fort Smith Elevator". Some
people were trying to organize a group of Catawba in the late 19th century.
Also found, late in the day, a few lines in an article in "The Indian
Chieftain" of Vinita, Oklahoma, dated 1888, when Vinita was a part of the
Cherokee Nation. Remember Oklahoma only became a state in 1907. Here are
transcriptions of those short newspaper articles.
August 16, 1889, The
Fort Smith Elevator, Catawba Indian Association
The Catawba Indian Association met at Rocky Ridge on
the 10th. The meeting was called to order by the President. After the reading
of the minutes and the calling of the roll of the officers, transacting other
business that came before the order, a call for new members was made and 90 was
added to the new list, after which the meeting adjourned to meet at Ault’s’
Mill, three miles south of Fort Smith, the second day of the fair, the 16th day
of October, where the delegates and all persons interested will please attend
without further notice, as matters of interest will be considered.
J. Bain, President
G. W. Williamson, Secretary (287)
I obtained
this material by writing to the University of Arkansas at Fort Smith library.
One of their librarians wrote the following:
Hello Mr. Hawkins,
Attached
is a copy of the article you requested. The article mentioned another meeting
held on October 16th and I found it in the October 25th edition but the film
was so dark I could not get a good print to scan. The text of the article
follows. Please let me know if I can be of further assistance.
“October 25, 1889 p. 3 col. 5, From Fort Smith
Historical Society publication.
“Attention
Catawba’s!”
The Western Catawba’s Indian Association met at Ault’s
Mill October 16, 1889, at which meeting a number of new members were added to
the Association, thus making it nearly 4,000 strong. They appointed an executive
committee which is empowered to transact all business and place the matter
before congress. The Association adjourned to convene again at a called meeting
of the president.” (288)
Taken
originally from
The Fort Smith
Elevator” (newspaper), date probably early Jan 1895.
All Catawba Indians by blood or otherwise are
requested to meet at the County Court House in Fort Smith Arkansas on Thursday,
Jan 24th, 1895 at 10 o’clock a. m. for the purpose of perfecting the census
roll of the Western Catawba Indian Association and the transaction of other
matters that may come before the meeting. All Catawba Indians are expected to
be present or by proxy as business of importance will come before the meeting.
James Bain, Preset., Geo. E. Williams, Scary,
Western Catawba Indian Association (289)
Please keep
the timeframe in mind. The Dawes Act (also called the Allotment Act) had just
been passed in Congress meaning the Indians in Oklahoma at least would no
longer own all their lands in common – each Indian family was to receive – I
think it was 160 acres. Well many more people were asking for this land than
there actually were Indians living on the lands in Oklahoma. The Indians and
whites both grew suspicious some of the applicants.
We hear of
all those on the rejected Cherokee rolls. But we never hear of those who
claimed Catawba ancestry. Apparently 4,000 people wanted to claim Catawba
ancestry. The final list seems to have had only 257 names, so something
happened to the rest, and I have found no list of the names of those 257
persons, nor of the 4,000. I will continue to look.
Also, these
4,000 are not on any accepted or rejected roll, either, as no roll was made for
the Catawba of which I am aware. I am hoping to discover the names of those 257
as well as those 4,000. General opinion at the time was they were individuals
who had a little Indian blood and had been living as Whites. The idea of giving
free land to people who had not gone through the hardships of removal, people
who had left them to live as Whites, was a bitter and difficult pill to
swallow, for the traditional Indians who had never left the various tribes, and
who still had many full bloods. But these mixed bloods had no choice. White
families just moved in amongst them, totally surrounding them, and greatly out
numbering them. It was suspected that many people applying were simply full
blood Whites looking to take Indian lands as had happened so many times in the
past. This attitude doomed the petitioners such as these claiming a Catawba
heritage, to failure. But what became of them? They seem to have dried up like
the water in the branch of a creek during the summer drought.
I found one
more reference; from "The Indian Chieftain", a newspaper from Vinita,
Cherokee Nation, Indian Territory dated 1888, located in what is today north
eastern Oklahoma.
The Indian Chieftain, March 1,
1888, Vinita, Indian Territory
(Oklahoma), image 2 of 4. It says;
“The Western Catawba Indian Association,
with headquarters in Fort Smith, proposes to petition congress to set aside for
the use of all persons of Indian blood, not members of any tribe, a portion of
the Indian Territory.” (290)
I cannot
help but remember hearing that dad's grandparents were at one time thinking
about signing up for the Dawes Allotments, but "something happened"
and they never did. I remember my mother mentioning this, and she had no Indian
blood, but her family lived next door to my great-grandparents on my Dad’s
side. I wish I knew the right questions to ask back when I was younger, but at
the time, I had no idea. Part of my quest in doing research was to find out
exactly what happened. Why did they back out, and never even apply for Dawes?
This would have been the 1890s or 1900s.
References:
258. https://archive.org/details/annualreportofbo1948smit
259.
http://www.firstpeople.us/FP-Html-Links/state-recognized-tribes-in-usa-by-state.html#starts:
260.
Monday, 7th of October, 1901, “The Tennessean”, page 8, out of Nashville, Tn.
Kentucky’s
Indian’s – Plenty of them left in the Mountain Section
261.
Chapter II; Indian Days and Early Settlers; Immigration to Arkansas of the
“Lungens,” From "The History of Baxter County,
Arkansas" by Mary Ann Messick
261. Ditto
262. Ditto
263. Ditto
264. Ditto
265. Early
Lawrence County, Arkansas Records
266. Ditto
267.
Chapter II; Indian Days and Early Settlers; Immigration to Arkansas of the
“Lungens,” From "The History of Baxter County, Arkansas" by Mary Ann
Messick
268.
http://metis.galib.uga.edu/ssp/cgi-bin/tei-natamer-idx.pl?sessionid=0832f53b-6c5a450609-0044&type=doc&tei2id=CH087
269. http://www.teachingushistory.org/TreatyofNationsFordbetweentheCatawbaandtheStateofSouthCarolina1840.html
270.
"The Catawba Indians, The People of the River"; by Douglas Summers
Brown, University of South Carolina Press, (c) 1966.
271. Ditto
272.
"Catawba Nation, Treasures in History" by Dr. Thomas J. Blumer
273. Ditto
274.
"Red Carolinians", by Chapman Milling; University of South Carolina
Press 1969, (c) Chapman Milling. First Published University of North Carolina
Press, 1940.
275.
"A Guide to the Indian Tribes of Oklahoma" by Muriel H. Wright, my
edition published by the Civilization81 of the American Indian Series,
University of Oklahoma Press, copyright 1951, 1986
276. Ditto
277.
"Red Carolinians", by Chapman Milling; University of South Carolina
Press 1969, (c) Chapman Milling. First Published University of North Carolina
Press, 1940.
278. Ditto
279. IPP
papers:
https://digital.libraries.ou.edu/cdm/ref/collection/indianpp/id/5147
280.
'Who's your people?': Cumulative identity among the Salyersville Indian
population of Kentucky's Appalachia and the Midwest muck fields, 1677--2000. by
Dr. Richard Allen Carlson Jr.; Michigan State University
281. Ditto
282. Ditto
283. Ditto
284. Ditto
285.
“Finding Our Indian Blood”; Vance Hawkins; © 2013 Bluewater Publications
286.
“Various Eastern Siouan Communities” by Forest Hazel
287. The “Western
Catawba Indian Association” was mentioned in several newspaper articles of the
time. There were articles in the Fort Smith Elevator dated August 16, 1889,
October 16th, 1889, before January 24th, 1895. These accounts are from the Fort
Smith Elevator Newspaper. there is a fourth account In the Indian Chieftain out
of Vinita, Indian Territory (Cherokee Nation), dated March 1st, 1888.
288. Ditto
289. Ditto
290. Ditto
Images
Image 4.
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ReplyDeleteThanks. I have been trying to find more info on Catawba in Oklahoma for a long time. If you find anything, let me know. :) Vhawkins1952@msn.com will reach me immediately but I never know when anyone comments here until way too late.
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