Catawba -- Saponi -- Melungeon; Ch. 7; The Cheraw, the Pedee, and Smaill Pox

CHAPTER VII – The Cheraw, The Pedee, and Small Pox

Since there is more written about this tribe or band of the Catawba than many, I will spend a little more time on them than on many of the others. And since Small Pox seems to have been instrumental in their demise, small pox is also an important topic to discuss.

Wikipedia says the Xualae were a Native American people who lived along the banks of the Great Kanahwa River in what is today West Virginia, and in the westernmost counties of Virginia. The Cherokee, expanding from the south, seized these regions from them during the years 1671 to 1685.  Unfortunately, I haven’t found a single document to substantiate that claim – it appears to be all made up. (115) The Spanish said the Joara did attack communities located in what is now associated with the Cherokee – in western North Carolina. There is no record I know of them in West Virginia.

We know from Spanish records the Xualla/Joara were in Western North Carolina at least from the 1540s or so until the 1570's. (116) We lose track of them for many years. They appear on the Dan River as Upper and Lower Saura Towns which they then abandon about 1700. From this time forward the Virginia writers call them the Saura/Sara, and the South Carolina chroniclers dubbed them the Cheraw/Charrow. The Cherokee probably did attack the Sara and such attacks might have been the reason they fled eastward. It is important to know the difference between what happened, what might have happened, what might not have happened, and what we know did not happen. The “Qualla” boundary, the place where the Eastern Cherokee live today, was taken from the name “Xualla”. It appears that the people who inhabited those lands before the arrival of the Cherokee might have been these Xualla. Qualla is in North Carolina, not West Virginia. If the Cherokee ever did attack them (and there is compelling evidence this did happen), it would have been in North Carolina.

About 1701 they fled from their cities on the Dan River to the Southeast towards Ylasi on the Pee Dee River (look at earlier maps), which the Yadkin River becomes further downstream. They have moved to South Carolina, but right on the NC/SC line, in what was to become the Cheraw District of the state of South Carolina.  “Charraw Town” is mentioned on 1756 map (Map 14), and they are shown as living with the Catawba.  Check other maps for the Xuala/Joara/Saura/Cheraw and even more spellings – these are all different names for the same people.

From “History of the Old Cheraws” by Alexander Gregg

From Gregg's account, he says there were 28 Indian tribes in South Carolina. They did not realize many of these “tribes” were actually just 'bands' or a small part of a greater nation. I am interested in those who were of Eastern Siouan origin. 

Gregg says the following about the Saura/Cheraw Tribe. “Of the tribes which dwelt upon the Pedee and its tributaries. The Saras, or Saraws, as they were first called, afterwards the Charrows, Charraws, and Cheraws – occupied the region still identified by the name. Their territory extending thence to the coast, and along the coast from the Cape Fear to the Pedee.”

“. . . upon the middle and lower parts of the river, are the Winyaws. The Kadapaws were found on Lynche's Creek” You will find “Lynche's Creek” east of Camden, and also east of the “Indian Town” beside it. The “Kadapaw” Indians are the “Catawba” Indians. The “Indian town” near Camden is actually the spot where Yupaha once stood (117), which is better known by the foreign Creek name of “Cofitachequi” (118)  Gregg seems to think the Cheraw or “Sara” Indians had lived in this region quite some time, but we know they were recent arrivals from Spanish accounts of an earlier time. The Indian town near Camden was once a great city, and the capital town of the Eastern Siouans, of which the Cheraw/Saura were but one band in the region. (119) Gregg continues to write as though the Catawba and the Cheraw were two distinct tribes, not realizing they were two bands of a once greater nation. He speaks of the other tribes on the Pedee, and says they were absorbed by the greater tribes around them, in this instance meaning the Catawba. In reality however, they were ALWAYS one people, and when they moved in together, it was for strength, as their numbers were dwindling. He says by 1743, twenty dialects were being spoken by the Catawba, saying “Cherah” was one of them. Per Gregg, the Cheraw were first mentioned by John Lederer, who travelled through the area between March 1669 and September 1770. Gregg suggests for a full story of Lederer's travels, we refer to Dr. Hawk's “History of North Carolina” (120).  He says Lederer calls them “Sara's or “Saraw's.” He quotes Lederer: “I departed from Wateree the one and twentieth of June, and keeping a west course for nearly thirty miles, I came to Sara . . . From Sara I kept a southwest course until the five and twentieth of June, and then I reached Wisacky. He speaks of nearby Indians called “Usheries”. Since there is no such tribe. I suspect he meant “Uchee's”. Gregg goes on to say these directions make no sense, and the tribes of his time never lived where Lederer's description puts them. Map 5 shows this exact measure. The Wateree later moved south to live near the Catawba, while the Saura moved due north to live on the Dan River. Gregg, by assuming the description of the Saura of his time as living in the Cheraw District of South Carolina, he gets hopelessly lost in geography. He concludes the Wateree and Waccamaw are the same people. They aren't. Gregg confesses “Lederer's itinerary presents difficulties which we confess we cannot satisfactorily solve. (121)”

There was one comment that caught my eye. Gregg said, “If, as is here conjectured, Lederer passed through Robeson County, into South Carolina . . . it brings to light the fact never before suggested or imagined . . . that the Pedee, in the earlier days of aboriginal history, was known as “Sara”. And by 1732 there were Indians known as the Pedee Indians On December 15th, 1732, here is mention of the murder of a Pedee Indian, by a man of the Upper House of the South Carolina Assembly. The man suspected of committing the murder was William Kemp. Gregg says; “concerning the fact of an Indian fellow being killed, named Corn-White-Johnny, His excellency issued the following order. On the 17th January, 1733, in council, upon hearing this day the information of William Kemp, relating to the death of Corn White Johnny, and the affidavit of Thomas Burton, it is ordered that King Harry, Captain Billy, George and Dancing Johnny, and some of the relations of the deceased be and appear before me, the second Wednesday of February next ensuing, to give an account of what they know of the death of the said Indian, and that Wm. Kemp do attend at the same time. Likewise that Mr. John Thompson, Jun., is desired to acquaint the said Indians of the order. (122)”

In the Council Journal, no. 11, p. 133, dated March 2, 1743, we have; “his Excellency, the Governor, signed the following order . . . to provide for the Pedee Indians now in town . . .

“. . . In Council, 25th of July, 1744, the governor admitted 4 Pedee Indians . . . who informed his excellency that 7 Catawbas had been killed by the Notchee Indians, who live among them. Governor Glen had the Notchee and Pedee Indians move closer to settlements, for safety, as the Catawbas were seeking revenge.” (123)

Two years later, on the 27th of April, 1746, several Catawba leaders are mentioned as meeting the governor at the Congarees. The headmen mentioned are Yenabe Yalangway, the King. The old leader, Captain Taylor, Nafkehee, and some others, no other names given, unfortunately. During this meeting, there is mentioned a Mr. Brown, who trades amongst the Catawba's. According to Gregg, Brown reported the following to the Governor. Gregg's account says, “Brown (who trades among the Catawba's) acquainted him that some of the Pedees and Cheraw's (two small tribes who have long been incorporated with the Catawbas) intended to leave them, which might prove of dangerous consequences at a time when they were so closely attacked by their enemies, the Northern Indians. Mr. Brown therefore entreated that if possible, such a separation might be prevented.” The governor then gave a speech to the Pedee and Cheraw Indians, advising them of the wisdom of remaining united as one. Gregg adds, “After this, they all promised to continue together” (124). Although Gregg says these Indians remained with the Catawba all their remaining history, King Haigler later wrote a letter to Governor Glen dated Nov. 21, 1752, asking the Pedee Indians to return. It is difficult to understand how and just who these Pedee Indians were, and what was their relationship to the Cheraw/Saura Indians. But it appears they did NOT remain with the Catawba. (125)

We hear that the Pedee and Cheraw were two small tribes who had long been associated with the Catawba. We have heard for some time now of the Pedee Indians who lived “in the settlements” meaning the White man’s towns. Perhaps some of these Indians banded together. We have also heard that Nafkehee and Haigler were the same person. Here we record the two individuals, Nafkehee and the King, as both being present. Haigler will soon the principle chief – but he isn’t yet.

The Pedee's are again mentioned August 30, 1748. Michael Welch, an overseer on Uchee Island on the Carolina coast line, sold a Negro slave to King Billy. It then goes on to say the Catawba Indians came and took the slave. He then escaped from the Catawba. The Catawba still held sway over the Pedee Indians. The attitude of this Catawba King who took this slave might shed some light as to why these Indians wanted to leave the Catawba. I do not know if this is speaking about King Haigler or his predecessor. The earliest I have found, so far, mentions King Haigler in 1751.But I have only seen a few references.

An effort was made on the part of the Catawba to have the Pedee Indians move in with them. These Pedee Indians are not mentioned by that name earlier in their history. I suspect they were members of several groups that had dwindled to such a small number that they agreed to unite under a new name. Here is what the King of the Catawba said to Gov. Glen of South Carolina. It is dated November 21st, 1752. There are a great many Pedee Indians living in the settlements that we want to come and settle amongst us. We desire for you to send for them, and advise for them to this, and give them this string of wampum in token that we want them to settle here, and will always live like brothers with them. The Northern Indians want them to settle with us; for as they are now at peace. They may be hunting in the woods or straggling about, killed by some of them, except they join us, and make but one nation, which will be a great addition of strength to us. The (his [x] mark) King.  (126) Haigler was king of the Catawba at this time.

Here we have Haigler saying there are many Pedee Indians still living in the White Man's settlements as late as 1752.

Immediately after this, Gregg mentions a treaty between the Northwards Indians and the Southern Tribes. This treaty is dated before Haigler's letter; on May 24th, 1751. He mentions they tried living among the settlers, and says, "All the tribes . . . that live amongst our settlements, such as the Charrows, Uchees, Pedees, Notches, Cape Fears, and other Indians." (127)  So there were numerous groups that had virtually been exterminated, but were still in existence, in pockets, in both rural and urban South Carolina.

Gregg continues his commentary. His next reference is dated 17th of October, 1755. He mentions a John Evans making a visit to the Catawbas by order of Governor Glen. From Evans journal, dated 17th of October, Evans mentions that during the summer, some Cherrakees and Notchees had killed some Pedees and Waccamaws in the White people’s settlements (128). So, we have mention now, of the Waccamaw as well, living in the White Peoples settlements. And we have the Catawba wanting them to move in with them, to strengthen their numbers. We have King Haigler trying to strengthen his people in numbers, by trying to get all these other bands, to move in with him and his Catawba. Our map previously listed dated 1756 shows some of the results of his efforts. The 1750 and 1756 maps attest to the success of King Haigler's efforts. The unfortunate 1759 Spall Pox epidemic, and the murder of Haigler in 1763 put a dagger into his hopes for unification, as well.

Continuing with this account, we have the following dated October 22, 1755. Evans says, "I set out from the Catawba Nation homeward, and at night came to a camp of Pedees. I acquainted them with my trip to the nation, and desired them to let me know who it was that killed and scalped the Pedee women and carried their boys away. Lewis Jones, their chief, answered, . . . he went down from the nation to the settlements . . . to inquire what harm was done . . . He met a Pedee Indian named Prince who lived in the settlements, and Prince told him that a day or two before the mischief was done, here was five Cherokees and one Notchee . . .and Lewis John said, he did believe they scalped the women and carried the boys away. (129)" Both Evans and Pedee Chief Lewis Jones/John 'left the Nation'. By nation, they mean the Catawba Nation. Third, these Pedee Indians are also found 'in the settlements', meaning the White settlements. They seem to be equally at home with the Catawba, and in White settlements. Lastly fourth, the Pedee Chief is named Lewis Jones in one place, and next he is called 'Lewis John'. 'Johns' is a well-known surname of one modern band of the Catawba, the Monacan. This might be a coincidence -- but there it is, nonetheless.

Gregg continues to write about tribes in the "Old Cheraws" region of South Carolina. He mentions the Pedee Indians, and says they were first called Pedee's about the year 1731-2, saying there is no mention of them before that date (130). If one suggests they were members of wasted tribes, and took the name Pedee so they might be named after the Pedee River. From the 1730s until the late 1750s there were both Cheraw and Pedee Indians. Were they simply calling one people by two separate names? Were the Pedee Indians simply remnants of several “wasted” tribes or bands? Did the Pedee and Cheraw later unite? It might be impossible to know for certain.

Chapman Milling in “Red Carolinians” tries to pinpoint the exact moment the Cheraw and Pedee Indians became extinct. We know some Pedees lived in the White Settlements Milling writes (p 229); “Of the settlement band of Pedee we have little further information other than the following from Ramsay's History of South Carolina: Persons now living remember that there were about thirty Indians, a remnant of the Pedee and Cape Fear tribes that lived in the Parishes of St. Stephens and St. John's. King John was their chief.” The last date mentioned was 1755, so this is sometime after 1755. I can't help but think of Captain Johnny, called both a Catawba warrior and a Cheraw Warrior of the French and Indian Wars. He goes on to write, “There was another man among the same tribe who was called Prince. Governor Lyttleton gave him a Commission of Captain General and Commander in Chief of the Two Tribes (speaking of Cheraw and Pedee) which superseded Johnny. The latter took umbrage at the promotion of the former and tried to kill him.” Governor Lyttleton was playing politics with the Cheraw and Pedee Indians. Milling writes (p230) “All this remnant of these ancient tribes are now extinct except one woman and a half-breed . . . Bishop Gregg pronounced the following; “The history of those Pedee and Cheraw who united with that Nation [Catawba] cannot be separately traced . . . within the memory of persons now living, a few of the Cheraws have visited the upper Pedee to take a last look at the localities which their own traditions had identified as the homes of their fathers.” (131) Chapman Milling mentioned a “king John”. Was he the same “Captain  Johnny”? It said Governor Littleton gave the title of “Captain General” to two men. Is this when “King John” became “Captain Johnny”? People still living in 1867 could remember seeing Pedee and/or Cheraw Indians on the Pedee River. 1867 was just after the end of the Civil War, and there was the Lowery family, and others, in the area as well, at the end of the Civil War who were known to have been Indian. There is a tradition to this day of mixed-race Indian families in Robison County, NC, now called the Lumbee Indians. This appears to be a continual stream of Indian families in the region from those earlier times, to the present. Remember the warriors returning from Fort Duquesne in Pennsylvania brought the Small Pox home with them, and that includes perhaps the last of the Cheraw War Chiefs, this Captain Johnny, in 1759. It was said of the Catawba that perhaps from ½ to as many as 2/3rds of them died during the small-pox epidemic of 1759-1760. It is possible that from ½ to 2/3rds of the Pedee and Cheraw died at the same time.

Robert Ward asked elderly Chief Robert Lee Harris in 1940 about the Catawba, and Chief Harris Responded; “Once upon a time the Catawbas numbered many thousand braves, but the Small Pox killed many thousands of people.” (p86 Ibid) (132) When Lawson went through the Sewee town @1701, Brown says; “The Sewees . . . had once been a great nation, but when Lawson came upon them, they had already been greatly reduced by small pox . . .” (133) A few pages later we see a similar theme. (p 90, ibid) Lawson came upon the Congaree Indians, which they say is the location today of the state Capital of South Carolina, Columbia. Lawson says, “The Congarees were a comely sort of Indians who had already been much reduced in numbers by the Small Pox.” Brown, p. 154, Ibid) (134) Another time, Brown states some Indians were porters, delivering pelts in 1717 to Charlestown, South Carolina, but states they had trouble hiring enough help, saying “The burdeners were quickly sent back to the nation because of the danger of their getting Small Pox in our settlements.” (ibid, p 180). (135) Per Brown, the outbreak Lawson spoke of occurred in 1697. He talks of the 1738 epidemic, saying, the small pox; “was brought to Charles Town by a Guinea slave ship. The disease was spread to Indian tribes by the infected trade goods . . .” (136).

Maurice Moore wrote: “Their numbers were reduced to less than one half.” Another claim was that two-thirds of the nation had perished. “The tradition that I heard in my boyhood was that it was introduced through the avarice of some of the white men, to enable them to get more easy possession of the rich lands of the Indians.” Per Brown, the woods were full of corpses as there were not enough survivors to bury the dead.

(ibid p. 181 Brown). Part of the treatment of the Indian doctors was sweat the patient, then throw them into cold water. Moore said; “I remember being told by an eye-witness, a reliable man who lived among them at the time, that he had seen twenty-five a day, during the prevalence of the scourge, to be taken out of the river dead.”

The final destruction of these Indians is hinted at in the next paragraph. "In the Gazette of December 8th-15th, 1759, was this sad account of its [small pox] ravages; it is pretty certain that the small pox has lately raged with great violence among the Catawba Indians, and that it has carried off near one half of that nation . . . This distemper has since appeared among the inhabitants at the Charraws and Waterees." Immediately after this, Greggs says "The small pox went through the province in the year 1738." He continues "So destructive . . . had been this disease among the Indians . . .that its appearance brought on a spirit of . . . desperation." Later in the same paragraph we have; "About the time of the Revolution, some of the Catawba Warriors having visited Charleston, there contracted the disease again, and returning communicated it to their Nation." (137) We have a last account mentioning the Charraws. Gregg says, "It was after this, having been sorely thinned by disease, that they were advised by their friends to invite the Charraws to move up and live with them as one tribe. here spoken of by the writers of the day, must have been a part of the tribe which had maintained its independence probably in the region lower down the Pedee or on the coast, where they lead a proud but feeble existence.” (138)  Gregg goes on to say this small remnant of the Cherraws went to live with the Catawba, as had their brethren before, thus disappearing from history.

We have several outbreaks of small pox, in 1697, 1738, one in 1759, and a last, a third, about the time of the Revolutionary War, maybe the late 1770s – no exact date was given by the sources I found. Of the third outbreak, it was said that the small pox carried away half of the Catawba Nation. We have the entire Cherraw and Pedee Tribes disappearing from history. But today, there is are a people called the "Lumbee" tribe of Indians living near where the Cheraw and Pedee had been observed living as late as the Revolutionary War. Are the modern Lumbee that last remnant of the Cheraw and Pedee? I don't know, but I don't think I have to go too far out on a limb to say "maybe". Some claim they descend from the Tuscarora. Again, all I can say is “maybe” and quickly add, “I don’t know.”

On page 129 Carlson says; “Compared to the Cherokee, the Catawba and their confederates were a relatively small population to start, and the war and recent small pox epidemics had taken their toll on adult Catawba males.” (139)

Carlson also refers to a small pox epidemic. I am reminded of what the Dorsey’s said; p 28 – “Christopher Gist died of Small Pox on the road from Williamsburg to Winchester on July 25th, 1759. He was conducting 62 hand-picked Catawba Warriors to Winchester to help guard the western frontier of Virginia” ((ibid., series 21664, part 1; pp 216-217) (140). It continues to say that these Catawba were urged to continue “but they said their father Capt. Gist (as they called him) was dead at it was better for them to return home (ibid., p. 302).”  The Dorsey’s were referring to “The Papers of Colonel Henry Bouquet” (141). Other books on the Catawba refer to this 1759 epidemic as something similar to the straw that broke the camel’s back. One writer says or implies two-thirds of the Catawba died during this tragic epidemic. What was six Catawba towns moves downstream a few miles, and only two Catawba towns are remaining afterwards. Only two of six towns remaining means 2/6th, which is 1/3rd of the population remaining.  

THE SMALL POX CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN BOUQUET AND AMHERST

It has proven to be difficult for me to separate the stories of the Cheraw and the Pedee from the story of Small Pox. I tried, but the two stories are joined at the hip, so to speak. (ibid p 181) Brown's research has led me to ask the same question he asked. Were the Indians given small pox on purpose? Brown says; "It is not inconceivable that such an atrocity was perpetrated. The story appeared on every frontier in America.” When Sir Jeffrey Amherst, England's Commander in Chief in North America, heard of the outbreak of Pontiac's War, he instructed Col. Henry Bouquet, saying, "I wish to hear of no prisoners . . ." What else did these two discuss?

What exactly did Lord Jeffrey Amherst mean by that? Who was he? I hear this (142) about him:

“Lord Jeffery Amherst was commanding general of British forces in North America during the final battles of the French & Indian war (1754-1763). He won victories against the French to acquire Canada for England and helped make England the world's chief colonizer at the conclusion of the Seven Years War among the colonial powers (1756-1763). 

The town of Amherst, Massachusetts, was named for Lord Jeffrey even before he became a Lord. Amherst College was later named after the town. It is said the local inhabitants who formed the town preferred another name, Norwottuck, after the Indians whose land it had been; the colonial governor substituted his choice for theirs. Frank Prentice Rand, in his book, The Village of Amherst: A Landmark of Light [Amherst, MA: Amherst Historical Society, 1958], says that at the time of the naming, Amherst was "the most glamorous military hero in the New World. ... ...the name was so obvious in 1759 as to be almost inevitable." [p. 15] 

comment: Hmmm . . . Jeffrey Amherst was a “glamorous hero” and says that this was obvious in 1759. That is the year our Christopher Gist died, and the year of the Catawba Holocaust, the year small pox devastated the tribe. Was this responsible for the deaths of many of the English Indian Allies? Let's go on (143).

Smallpox Blankets

Despite his fame, Jeffery Amherst's name also later became tarnished by stories of smallpox-infected blankets used as germ warfare against American Indians. These stories are reported, for example, in Carl Waldman's Atlas of the North American Indian [NY: Facts on File, 1985]. Waldman writes, in reference to a siege of Fort Pitt (Pittsburgh) by Chief Pontiac's forces during the summer of 1763:

... Captain Simeon Ecuyer had bought time by sending smallpox-infected blankets and handkerchiefs to the Indians surrounding the fort -- an early example of biological warfare -- which started an epidemic among them. Amherst himself had encouraged this tactic in a letter to Ecuyer. [p. 108] (144)

Some people have doubted these stories; other people, believing the stories, nevertheless assert that the infected blankets were not intentionally distributed to the Indians, or that Lord Jeff himself is not to blame for the germ warfare tactic.

Comment: Well, it doesn't seem to have anything to do with the disease that killed half of the Catawba in 1759 and 1760. These small pox infected blankets were given to Pontiac’s men in 1763, three or four years after the deaths of so many Catawbas. That still isn't very comforting, but it seems to be the fact. Fort Pitt, built near the ruins of the French Fort Duquesne, was the location.  

Part of Lord Jeffrey Amherst letters during Pontiac's Rebellion

The documents provided here are made available to set the record straight. These are images of microfilmed original letters written between General Amherst and his officers and others in his command during the summer of 1763, when the British were fighting what became known as Pontiac's Rebellion. 

Pontiac, an Ottawa chief who had sided with the French, led an uprising against the British after the French surrender in Canada. Indians were angered by Amherst's refusal to continue the French practice of providing supplies in exchange for Indian friendship and assistance, and by a generally imperious British attitude toward Indians and Indian land. As Waldman puts it:

... Lord Jeffrey Amherst, the British commander-in-chief for America, believed ... that the best way to control Indians was through a system of strict regulations and punishment when necessary, not "bribery," as he called the granting of provisions. [p. 106] (145)

Historian Francis Parkman, refers to a postscript in an earlier letter from Amherst to Bouquet wondering whether smallpox could not be spread among the Indians:

“Could it not be contrived to send the Small Pox among those disaffected tribes of Indians? We must on this occasion use every stratagem in our power to reduce them.” [Vol. II, p. 39 (6th edition)] (146)

I have not found this letter, but there is a letter from Bouquet to Amherst, dated 23 June 1763, three weeks before the discussion of giving small pox infected blankets to the Indians, stating that Captain Ecuyer at Fort Pitt (to which Bouquet would be heading with reinforcements) has reported smallpox in the Fort. This indicates at least that the writers knew the plan could be carried out. (147)

Several other letters from the summer of 1763 show the smallpox idea was not an anomaly. The letters are filled with comments that indicate a genocidal intent, with phrases such as: 

"...that Vermine ... have forfeited all claim to the rights of humanity" (Bouquet to Amherst, 25 June) (148)

"I would rather chuse the liberty to kill any Savage...." (Bouquet to Amherst, 25 June) 

"...Measures to be taken as would Bring about the Total Extirpation of those Indian Nations" (Amherst to Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of the Northern Indian Department, 9 July) (149)

"...their Total Extirpation is scarce sufficient Atonement...." (Amherst to George Croghan, Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs, 7 August) 

"...put a most Effectual Stop to their very Being" (Amherst to Johnson, 27 August (151); emphasis in original). (150)

Amherst's correspondence during this time includes many letters on routine matters, such as officers who are sick or want to be relieved of duty; accounts of provisions on hand, costs for supplies, number of people garrisoned; negotiations with provincial governors (the army is upset with the Pennsylvania assembly, for example, for refusing to draft men for service); and so on. None of his other letters show a deranged mind or an obsession with cruelty. Amherst's venom was strictly reserved for Indians.

In the Spring of 1763, there was a meeting with a Delaware Chief who demanded the surrender of the fort The English commander was a Swiss mercenary, Simeon Ecyyer. Instead of surrendering, he provided them with two blankets and a handkerchief. It was written that by mid-July the Delaware were dying at an alarming rate of Small Pox. That is about the same time as Bouquet and Amherst were writing letters to one another, back and forth, about using Small Pox and advocating usage of germ warfare (151). The blankets and handkerchief had been infected with small pox. 

World War One saw an abundance of germ warfare. If we could just find a name to blame or more than a shadow to hate. Rarely is it that simple. I just want to learn, and if I’m lucky, to teach. Any time you shine a torch into a dark space you must illuminate something.

References:

115. “The Southeastern Indians”; Charles Hudson; University of Tennessee Press © 1976

116. “The Juan Pardo Expeditions, Exploration of the Carolina’s” and Tennessee; Charles Hudson; University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, © 1990 Charles Hudson, © 2005 University of Alabama Press

117. “The Catawba Nation, Treasures in History”; Thomas J. Blumer; © 2007 Thomas J. Plumer; published by “The History Press, Charleston, South Carolina.

118. “History of the Old Cheraws”; Alexander Gregg; The State Company Columbia, S. C., 1905; Book Renaissance; www.ren-books.com

119. Ditto

120. https://www.amazon.com/History-North-Carolina-1584-1729-Francis/dp/1601050720 ; “History Of North Carolina, 1584-1729”; Francis L. Hawks

121. “History of the Old Cheraws”; Alexander Gregg; The State Company Columbia, S. C., 1905; Book Renaissance; www.ren-books.com

122. Ditto

123. Ditto

124.Ditto

125. Ditto

126. Ditto

127. Ditto

128. Ditto

129. Ditto

130. Ditto

131. “Red Carolinians”; Chapman J. Milling; University of South Carolina Press; © 1969 Chapman Milling. First published 1940, University of North Carolina Press.

132. “The Catawba Indians, The People of the River”; Douglas Summers Brown; University of South Carolina Press; © 1966

133. Ditto

134. Ditto

135. Ditto

136. Ditto

137. “History of the Old Cheraws”; Alexander Gregg; The State Company Columbia, S. C., 1905; Book Renaissance; www.ren-books.com

138. Ditto

139. 'Who's your people?': Cumulative identity among the Salyersville Indian population of Kentucky's Appalachia and the Midwest muck fields, 1677--2000. by Dr. Richard Allen Carlson Jr.; Michigan State University

140. “Christopher Gist of Maryland and some of his descendants, 1679-1957”; Jean Muir Dorsey, Maxwell Jay Dorsey; J. S. Swift Company; 1958

141. https://archive.org/details/papersofcolhenry00bouq_1 . The Papers of Colonel Bouquet.

142. “The Catawba Indians, The People of the River”; Douglas Summers Brown; University of South Carolina Press; © 1966

143. Ditto

144. “Atlas of the North American Indian”; Carl Waldman.

145. The documents provided here are among Amherst's letters and other papers microfilmed as part of the British Manuscript Project, 1941-1945, undertaken by the United States Library of Congress during World War II. The project was designed to preserve British historical documents from possible war damage. There are almost three hundred reels of microfilm on Amherst alone. 

The microfilm is difficult to read, and paper copies even harder. Nonetheless, the images obtained by scanning the copies are sufficiently clear for online viewing. The images are of key excerpts from the letters. An index is provided to show by microfilm document number the location of the imaged documents in the microfilm set. Text files of the excerpts are also provided.

146. Historian Francis Parkman, in his book The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada [Boston: Little, Brown, 1886]

147. https://archive.org/details/papersofcolhenry00bouq ; The Papers of Colonel Bouquet.

148. Ditto

149. http://people.umass.edu/derrico/amherst/lord_jeff.html

150. http://www.history.org/foundation/journal/spring04/warfare.cfm

151. https://www.umass.edu/legal/derrico/amherst/lord_jeff.html