CHAPTER VI – THE
FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, 1754-1763
King Haigler
A new
leader arose amongst the Catawba, a man who gave them hope. He would become
known as “King Haiglar.” King Haigler (also known as Nopkehee) was born about
1700. King Whitmannetaugehehee was king during the time of the Yamassee War. As
a result of the Catawban participation in that Yamassee War, the Catawba were
to deliver eleven young men to Fort Christanna as ransom, also to be educated.
Dr. Blumer suspects Nopkehee might have been one of these eleven based upon his
age. King Haigler is the most famous of the Catawba rulers. After the Yamassee
War all the Indian peoples of the Carolinas were left disheartened. Their
numbers were greatly decreased. Bands were uniting with one another for
strength. Instead of being scattered all over the Carolinas they were
concentrated in a few locations, yet still scattered across a larger region.
One of these new bands took the name Pedee Indians. The old Pedees disappeared
with many other bands. But groups of people came together, and decided to call
themselves the Pedee Indians, because they lived near the Pedee River.
There are a
couple of interesting stories about the Pedee Indians. The first is about an
escaped slave, and the second about an attempt by Haigler to get the Pedee
Indians to move in with the Catawba. These stories are taken from “History of
the Old Cheraws,” by Alexander Gregg. (83)
P 13 — “.
. . That the Pedees [Indians] owned slaves will appear from the following
notice, published in the Gazette of the day, Aug 30-Sep 6, 1748 — "Taken
up by Michael Welch, overseer to the subscriber on an island called Uchee
Island. A Negro fellow, who gives the following account of himself, viz., that
he belonged formerly to Mr. Fuller, and he was by him sold to Billy, king of
the Pedee Indians; that the Catawba Indians took him from King Billy, and
carried him into their nation, and that in endeavoring to make his escape from
the Catawba’s, he was lost in the woods, and had been so a considerable time
before he was taken. Any person having any right or property in the said
fellow, may apply to the subscriber, now in Charleston." Apparently,
this African slave was bought by the chief of the Pedee Indians, and in turn
was sold to the Catawba. He escaped from them and apparently wondered around
for a while, probably walking around in circles. He was discovered, and taken
back to Charleston it seems, where an effort was made to discover his “owner.”
It is difficult to follow stories like this one, as a modern man, it is
difficult to understand how previous generations could have acted as they did.
Haigler
knew there were some of his people living further down the Pedee River and
wrote a letter to Gov. Glen of South Carolina. It went something like this;
still p 13
— The next short tale is about King Haiglar writings to the Pedee Indians
trying to get them to move in with the Catawba. Haigler had convinced many
small bands of wasted tribes to join with him. What he asks of the Pedees, he
had probably done to many bands of Indians who were still alive. He wanted to
rebuild his people. He probably invited many small bands to come and live
within his nation. Gregg says of the Pedee:
“The Pedees and other smaller tribes who now lead a
wondering life, were in constant danger of being enticed off by the more
powerful and hostile nations of Indians, to join them in their predatory
excursions. The following letters indicate the anxiety felt on the subject by
the Catawba’s, as well as by the provisional government of this period, the
first was addressed by the King of the Catawba’s to his excellency, James Glen,
Esq : — “There are a great many Pedee Indians living in the settlements that we
want to come and settle amongst us. We desire for you to send for them, and
advise this, and give them this string of wampum in token that we want them to
settle here, and will always live like brothers with them. The Northern Indians
want them to settle with us; for they are now at peace, they may be hunting in
the woods or straggling about, killed by some of them, except they join us, and
make but one nation, which will be a great addition of strength to us."
his mark,
the (x) King"
[21 Nov, 1752]
It was said
over twenty dialects were living with the Catawba at this time. Haigler
probably sent invitations to all of them, in the hopes of making his nation
stronger. By all intents and purposes, he seems to have been a great and wise
chief. Little by little, his nation was gaining its strength back. (84)
Neither a
peace treaty in 1722 nor another in 1744 had brought about peace with the Five
and later Six Nations. Maybe a third treaty would.
Haigler was
hoping to stage a comeback, a renewal for his people. He did not want to be the
Principle Chief of an extinct nation. Haigler is noted for helping to negotiate
a treaty of peace with the Six Nations. These are the Iroquois of New York and
neighboring Canada. For many years, a war had been going on between the
Iroquois in New York and the Catawba and related bands in the Carolinas and
Virginia. These wars were intensified after the defeat of the Tuscarora and
their emigration to New York. In June 1751 King Haigler and 5 other Catawba
elders with a translator left Charleston, South Carolina, aboard the HMS
Scorpion, arriving in New York harbor on June 7th, 1751, at Fort George. They
arrived at Albany, New York, the site of the conference, on June 30th.
According to Blumer, the Mohawk forced the Catawba to dance with their feathers
pointing down in humiliation. King Haigler and King Hendrick of the Mohawk
smoked a peace pipe. When the Six Nations presented King Haigler with a wampum
belt, the peace was final.
Per Blumer
a delegation of Iroquois visited the Catawba the next year, 1752. Blumer then
adds that “During this period, the
Cherokee invited the Catawba to incorporate with them and King Haigler
refused.” He wanted to be the chief of a Nation, not the mayor of a city. He
worked hard to accomplish this.
He spoke
against the evils of alcohol, and against dual justice, that is, one set of
laws for the White man and one for the Indians. He defended women as vital for
the nation. In 1756, he signed a treaty with the Colony of Virginia. Blumer says “He still maintained his residence at
Pine Tree Hill, the ancient location of Cofitachique.” But the world of the
Catawba was in decline, their numbers shrinking. He tried to get some of the
former tributary tribes to move in with them, and some did. Others were,
however, slowly becoming assimilated into White culture. Speaking of White culture,
settlers were encroaching onto his lands and he was powerless to stop them. A
great tragedy occurred in 1759, when half of the Catawba Nation died of Small
Pox. But that was years in the future.
The younger chief was yet full of hope and vinegar, believing that he could
pull it off.
Per Blumer,
“A second high point in King Haigler's
career came when he negotiated the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 70 miles to the
north of the Waxhaw Old Fields on the banks of the Catawba River. About 16
miles west of what was soon to become the village of Lancaster.” In 1760,
per the Treaty of Pine Tree Hill, he ceded most of the 55,000 square-mile land
base of the Catawba. Settlers had already moved onto most of it, anyway. He was
able to keep two million acres near the Waxhaw Old Fields. (85)
Two Maps
Many of the
wasted bands of the Catawban people decided to unite under Haigler's banner of
the Catawban people. He gave the people a hope, a dream, and for time, this was
enough. All these bands moved nearer to one nearer one another, uniting as one
for protection.
Map 13. The Road to the Catawbas,
1750
We have mention
of some Indians associated with the Catawba "living in the White
Settlements", and we have the Catawba and remnants of various tribes also
living with the Catawba. But we also have a third band of these remnants of eastern
Siouan Peoples, the Saponi and other wasted bands, that have taken refuge in
Southeastern Virginia, that we haven't discussed in a long time. A fourth band
of these Eastern Siouan’s, the Tutelo who had been with the Saponi, abandoned
them to live with the Six Nations of Canada and New York. Other groups of the
Saponi that were once at Fort Christanna split into even smaller groups. By the
1750s, this is the state of the Eastern Siouan’s. They are mostly a few groups
of refugees, small in number, with an uncertain future.
The map above
is from 'The Catawba Indians', by Brown, between pages 32-33. It shows several
Eastern Siouan communities and is dated to 1750. (86)
Starting in
the north, we have “Cuttaboes, or Nasaue Towne” and it says “The gate to
Virginia Road”. Upstream is “Sugar Towne”, meaning the Sugaree. Just below is “Wateree
Towne”. These were called the “Guateri” by the Spanish. A Spanish priest once
lived with them where they had learned several Catholic prayers. Just beneath
these are a band of the Chicasaw, and Waxahaw Towne'. There are a couple of
places that look abandoned.
Map 14.
Catawba Nation, 1756
In the year 1756, the following map
represents the Catawba Indians. The map is from 'The Indians of the New World',
by James H. Merrell, page 163.
All these
things are background material to help understand the Saponi to their north,
and what became of them. It is my hope that understanding all this background
material will help us understand them, as well, and the Melungeon communities
that they spawned.
"Charraw
Town" is mentioned on this 1756 map, and they are shown as living with the
Catawba (87)
THE CATAWBA IN THE FRENCH AND
INDIAN WAR
INTRODUCTION
Often my
genealogical research leads to historical research. They seem to go hand in glove.
For instance, my genealogical research led me to a bi and triracial isolate
group called “the Melungeons.”
Why did we
disappear as a full blood race?
The FIRST
SIGN that something was about to change probably would have gone undetected. Let’s
call it EXPLORATION. It would have consisted of explorers who charted the lands
and peoples, their customs and languages, learning their strengths and
weaknesses.
The SECOND
SIGN; was the SLAVE TRADE. First the groups in Virginia vanished (all but a few
hundred), by 1680. The slave trade moved to South Carolina, and would end with
the end of the Yamassee War before or about 1720.
The THIRD
SIGN was constant WARFARE. There were many wars, but the costliest were the
Tuscarora and Yamassee wars of about 1711-1717. After the Tuscarora and
Yamassee wars that ended before 1720, most of the southern bands had completely
disappeared. Many of those who remained moved in with the Catawba for safety. Other
wars from the 1730s/1740s, from the 1750s to the 1780s also took their toll.
The FORTH
SIGN was DISEASE. A small pox epidemic killed half the remaining Catawban
peoples in 1738, and another epidemic in 1759-1760 killed half again, leaving
but a small remnant remaining. There were numerous epidemics.
The next
step on the road to disappearance, the FIFTH SIGN, was ASSIMILATION. There were
so few survivors of each of the bands, they were forced to marry with both the
Whites and Blacks. Assimilation causes cultures to die out, to be forgotten. A
few embers always remain, and burn as smaller coals, lingering on for centuries
in the hearts and minds of some of the people. People are always curious and
seek answers. If they don't know the truth they will start following the lie.
Sometimes they need someone who will seek the truth to show them the way. In
every parable there are always the good crops, and there are the weeds. The
weeds always come up first and try to smother out the true crops. This is what
has happened to the Melungeons. The weed came out first with these fantastic
stories of “Portuguese Adventurers”, of escaped slaves from East Africa, of
Turkish, Armenian, or Moorish (Moroccan) slaves, even the lost ten tribes of
Israel. These are all fantastic stories. They all overlook the obvious, that
the American Indians left a remnant, a fragment, to this day. We are still
here.
Many of
those groups that remained in the East have since received state recognition.
There are the Monacan, Occoneechi, Sappony, Haliwa, and Waccamaw. If I have
missed some, please forgive me – contact me and I'll add it. Today, there are
the two better known groups, the Catawba and Lumbee, who likely are descended
from the Cheraw, the Tuscarora, or from something else. Like the Phoenix, the
Siouan peoples of the East have been granted a little kindling to see if we
could stir up the ancient sacred fire once again.
Let us
uncover what we can about the French and Indian War, 1754-1763
THE FIRST TWO BATTLES FOR FORT
DUQUENSE
In
everything I read about General Amherst, it mentions his desire to use “germ
warfare,” I see that it occurred in and around Fort Pitt, and Fort Duquesne
which proceeded Fort Pitt at this location. Half of the Catawba Nation died of
Small Pox during this war, so it seemed like a good place to start. I found some
information.
The war
started over the French building forts along the Ohio River and its
tributaries. One such fort was Fort Duquesne, which was built near the present
city of Pittsburgh. It was built where the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers
unite to form the Ohio River. The British made three attempts to take the fort.
(88)
The first
attempt was in 1754. Christopher Gist was scout for George Washington's Army.
It was his Indian (Seneca/Mingo) reconnaissance that alerted George Washington
that a French force under command of Jumanville, was in the vicinity. Washington,
with a force of 300 men, surprised a French force in the area, and defeated
them. Expecting a counterattack, he hastily constructed Fort Necessity” nearby.
His Indian allies were Seneca, led by Chief Tanaghrisson, also called “The Half
King”. (89)
As
Washington suspected, the French counterattacked a month later with a superior
force, and took Fort Necessity. They then burned it to the ground. During this
campaign Christopher Gist and George Washington became friends, as Gist saved
Washington's life. (90)
The next
year, 1755 – a second attempt was made to conquer Fort Duquense. British
General Braddock was commander of this expedition. Both Washington and Gist
also were on this expedition. This time the French and their Indian Allies
surprised Braddock and his 1,200-1,400 soldiers. Braddock along with 977 of his
men were killed or wounded. Washington survived. He is credited with skillfully
leading the survivors to safety. Washington had convinced Braddick to take
Christopher Gist along, and Gist, once again, saved Washington's life during
this expedition. Both Gist and Washington saw the importance of having Indian
allies which the French had, and the English didn’t.
The third
attempt to conquer this fort was successful, although it didn't occur until
1758. As we shall see, Gist and Washington were advocating for the usage of the
American Indians, as was Governor Dinwiddie. Bouquet, Amherst, and the next
Governor, Gov. William Fairfax, did not. Once Christopher Gist died, and
Dinwiddie was no longer in power, George Washington was alone. When he saw the
British were not going to give him a commission, he resigned his commission in
the Colonial militia and he returned to Mt. Vernon.
GAINING THE HELP OF THE CATAWBAS
Records
exist of the help offered and given by the Cherokee is well known. In this
report however -- I am interested in the Catawba. The following is a direct
quote from documents found online of these events, as they relate to the
Catawba. While Dinwiddie was still governor of Virginia, he realized the French
had an advantage as long as they had Indians and he did not. He sent his people
to contact both the Catawba and Cherokee. Below is an account of the meeting
with the Catawba. (91)
INTRODUCTION
His Honor the Governor having received several
undoubted assurances of the sincere and hearty dispositions of the Catawba, and
Cherokee Indians towards His Britannic Majesty's Subjects in general, and this
colony in particular, and considered the great Importance of securing those war-like
nations to our Interest at this perilous juncture, when the French are laboring
to seduce them from their fidelity to us, was pleased to propose in council the
sixth of November last, That proper Commissioners should be sent as soon as
possible to those Indians with an handsome present, and to conclude a firm and
permanent league with them. Whereupon the council judging that no better use
could be made of part of the money His Majesty had been graciously pleased to
advance and send to his honor for the general service, unanimously agreed
thereto. And Peter Randolph and William Byrd, Esquires, being nominated and
approved of as gentlemen perfectly well qualified to conduct and carry into
execution the proposed Treaties; they, in consequence thereof, having received
his honor's letter, with his commission, and Instructions, and Speeches to the
Chiefs of the said nations, proceeded immediately on their journey, and
concluded the treaties and engagements, which are presented to the public in
the following Sheets.
King
HAIGLER spoke as follows,
“Brothers and friends, at the request of my brother
the Governor of Virginia, I made him a visit last year. After much talk with
him, I've treasured up in my breast, and hope he has done the same, he told me
that he did not then want my assistance, but desired that I would hold my
warriors in readiness, not doubting, but that he should have occasion for them
soon. It was at the repeated requests of the Northern Governors, that we
concluded a peace with their Indians, which we have hitherto strictly observed.
But as the Shawnees and Delaware’s, have broke the chain of friendship, between
them and our brethren the English, we think ourselves bound in gratitude to
declare them our enemies, and shall immediately take up the hatchet against
them, and you may be assured, never lay it down 'til we have sufficiently
revenged the Blood of our Friends. We have always been supplied, with clothes,
guns and ammunition, by the Great King, on the other side of the water, and
have the most grateful remembrance of his kindness to us, which has link'd us
to his Interest with a chain stronger than Iron. Our warriors delight in War,
and our young Men are equally pleased that they have an opportunity of going to
Battle. It is my resolution to lead them on whenever the Governor of Virginia
thinks proper.
"We are in perfect Amity with the Cherokees,
Cowetaws and Chickasaws. The Cherokees have ever been our friends, and as they
are a numerous nation, we acknowledge them to be our elder Brother.
"WE hope they will shew a good example by sending
a great number of their warriors to join us and our brethren of Virginia
against the French and their Indian allies." Gave a belt of wampum.
KING Haigler,
then desired his warriors to speak for themselves, upon which . . .
Prenchee-Uraw,
spoke as followeth. “Friends and
brothers, I am a young man, and have not yet distinguished myself in war, but I
am not a little pleased, that I have an opportunity of doing it. If I should be
so fortunate as to do any Thing that deserves commendation, I shall have the
thanks of the great King George, and my brethren the English. But whether I am
successful or not, my endeavors shall be such as to convince them of the
Integrity of my intentions."
Chippapaw,
then rose up and spoke as follows; “Brothers,
you have put a bright hatchet in our hands, which we have accepted and hold
fast. You have also directed us where to strike it. I am determined, either to
plunge it in the blood of our enemies, or to lose my life in the attempt."
Hixa-Uraw,
then spoke to the following purpose;
“Brothers, I have listened attentively to what the King and warriors have said.
Their readiness in complying with your request, has given me great Pleasure,
and as I have Feet as well as they, I shall not stay at home, if they are able
to support me."
THE other
Warriors present said that the King and those who had already spoken had
expressed their sentiments, and that they were ready whenever they were called
on to hazard their Lives in Defense of their Brethren the English.
Comment:
Remember how hard King Haigler had worked to reunite wandering bands of disenfranchised
Indians after the defeats in the Yamassee War? Perhaps others had seen battle
during the war with Spain. But most would not have seen war. Haigler had made
peace with the Six Nations so they would no longer attack him. His people were
growing stronger once again, The Yamassee War 1715-1717 had weakened his
people, and the 1738 Small Pox epidemic had killed off half the nation. But in
the next 20 years they had slowly been adding to their numbers, and growing
into a nation once more. There were still a couple of bands that hadn't come
home, the Pedee and the Saponi, as well as small numbers from wasted bands, who
were learning more and more how to live as the English lived. But things were
looking up.
A COPY of the ARTICLES
BE it KNOWN to all those to whom these presents shall
come, that the honorable Robert Dinwiddie, Esquire, Lieutenant-Governor, and
commander in chief of the colony and dominion of Virginia, and Arataswa King,
Chupahaw, Prenchee-Uraw, Hixa-Uraw, Tannasee, Yeaputkee, and Tooksesey, Sachems
and Warriors of the brave Nation of Catawba Indians, laying nothing more to
Heart, than by new ties to strengthen the good correspondence established
between the subjects of the King of Great-Britain, residing in North-America,
and their brothers and faithful allies the Catawba's, and to prevent, by
measures taken in time, the accidents that may excite a war, or cause a
disunion: The Honorable Peter Randolph, Esquire, one of His Majesty's Council,
Lieutenant of the county of Henrico, and surveyor-general of His Majesty's
customs, and the Honorable William Byrd, Esquire, one of His Majesty's council,
and Lieutenant of the county of Lunenburg, on the Part and Behalf of the said
Robert Dinwiddie, Esquire, and the said Colony of VIRGINIA, and the said
Arataswa King, Chupahaw, Prenchee-Uraw, Hixa-Uraw, Tannasee, Yeaputkee, and
Tooksesey, Sachems and Warriors on the part and behalf of the Catawba Nation,
having full power, do treat, accord, and conclude the following Articles.
I. THAT the ancient alliance between the English and
Catawbas be renewed, and the old chain brightened.
II. THAT if the French King shall at any time wage war
against the King of England, the Catawbas shall wage war with all their power
against the French King, and all his Indian allies.
III. THAT the Catawbas shall march into Virginia,
Forty or more able warriors, within forty days from the date of these presents,
to such fort or place as the Governor of Virginia shall direct.
IV. THAT the men who shall be employed in the service
of the English, in the colony of Virginia, as warriors, be found and provided
with all necessary clothes, victuals, arms and Ammunition.
V. THAT neither the Catawbas nor Virginians, shall
protect the disobedient subjects of the other, or entertain rebels, traitors or
fugitives, but within twenty days after due requisition made, shall deliver
them up.
VI. THAT if any Subject belonging to the King of
Great-Britain, residing in Virginia, or any Indian belonging to the Catawba
Nation, shall offend against this treaty, they shall be punished, without the
treaty being any way thereby infringed.
Done and signed at the CATAWBA-TOWN, the 21st Day of
February, 1756.
PETER RANDOLIH. [L. S.]
WILLIAM
BYRD. [L. S.]
ARATASWA, (mark) or HEIGLER. [L. S.]
CHU•AHAW, (mark) [L. S.]
PRENCHEE-URAW, (mark) [L. S.]
HIXA-URAW, (mark) [L. S.]
TANNASEE, (mark) [L. S.]
YEAPUTKEE, (mark) [L. S.]
TOOKSESEY, (mark) [L. S.]
With the
signing of the document above, the Catawba agreed to ally themselves with the
English in the French and Indian War. (92)
THE THIRD BATTLE FOR FORT DUQUENSE
In 1758.
General Forbes was given a force of 6,000 men with which to take Fort Duquesne.
Washington, then a Colonel, was also along on this expedition. As for the
Frenchmen, they only had a force of 200 men inside the fort, and they knew
their position was hopeless. Upon arriving at the fort, Forbes American Indian
scouts told him that the French had abandoned the fort, and had chosen to burn
it to the ground. Forbes men soon built a new fort, and called it “Fort Pitt”,
about a thousand feet upstream.
It was
completed about 1761, and stood until after the end of the war. (93)
Records about Fort Pitt are the
ones that talk about General Amherst and his small-pox infected blankets.
However Fort Pitt didn't exist until 1761 and the Catawba small-pox Epidemic
was from 1759-1760. The Catawba small-pox epidemic occurred before the outbreak
at Fort Pitt by a year or two. So General Amherst appears not to have been responsible
for the small-pox epidemic amongst the Catawba.
CHRISTOPHER GIST AND HIS SON
NATHANIEL
Christopher
Gist plays a significant role in this story. We have the following from the
family search website. (94) Per DNA results, I descend from Christopher’s
nephew on one side, so I have a great interest in this family.
Early in
1755, when it was learned that Major General Edward Braddock was on his way
from England with troops and that a strong effort would be made to recapture
the western country, Gist was sent into the South to invite the Cherokee and
Catawba Indians to help drive the French from their hunting grounds. Progress
was slow but Governor Glenn of South Carolina gave him some assistance and the
Indians finally promised to take part. As General Braddock approached Fort
Cumberland with his troops and no Indians were yet in sight, Governor Dinwiddie
sent Gist's son, Nathaniel, to hurry them along. Young Gist, who by this time
was quite well acquainted with Indian ways, was fairly successful and had
between four and five hundred ready to march, when a certain Richard Pearis, a
trader respected by the Indians, belittled the young man's efforts. He
represented to them that Gist had no commission or presents and that one so
young and of such little importance would not be sent on such a mission if
their presence were greatly needed. Consequently, Gist arrived at Fort
Cumberland without the Indians.
At the same
time, Washington was relieved of Indian management and Edmund Atkin was
appointed the king's agent to take charge of that service. Washington showed
his friendship for Gist by sending him with a letter to Speaker Robinson urging
an appointment for him in the Indian service. He wrote, "I know of no person so well qualified . . . He has had
extensive dealings with the Indians, is in great esteem among them, well
acquainted with their manners and customs, indefatigable, and patient . . . As
to his capacity, honesty, and zeal, I dare venture to engage." Gist
was subsequently appointed a deputy in the Indian service by Atkin. His duties
were to distribute goods to the Cherokee and Catawba Indians and to continue
soliciting their friendship. He was located at Winchester a greater part of the
time and his dealings with the Indians occasionally led him into heated
controversies with the high-strung governor. At one time he complained that he
was retarded in his work because he did not receive the necessary confidence
from his superiors. Dinwiddie replied with a letter outlining Gist's specific
duties, in which he remarked: "I know not what You mean by the Country
being troubled with an (95) agent they cannot confide in." Gist continued
faithfully in his appointed work during the remainder of 1757 and 1758.
Sometime after Captain Gist's company in the regiment was disbanded, his son
Nathaniel joined one of the other companies. In the early part of 1758 he was
sent with six soldiers and thirty Indians to reconnoiter Fort Duquesne. After
suffering great fatigue, occasioned by the snows of the Allegheny Mountains,
the party reached the mouth of Redstone Creek, where Gist by a fall from a
precipice was rendered unable to proceed. This caused a change in plans and the
party separated. Three of the Indians descended the Monongahela River in a bark
canoe till they came near Fort Duquesne, where they left their canoe and
concealed themselves on the margin of the river till they found an opportunity
of attacking two Frenchmen, whom they killed and scalped. These scalps were
later brought to Fort Loudoun at Winchester by Ucahula, one of the Indians.
Lieutenant
Gist at this time was reputed to be one of the most valuable scouts on the
Virginia and Maryland frontier. In June, 1758, he made his way to join the
Virginia Regiment at Fort Cumberland, where Colonel Washington was collecting
his forces preparatory to joining Forbes at Raystown (Bedford). Captain
Christopher Gist was also active in the affairs of the camp at Raystown. After
a strenuous effort he was able to deliver to Colonel Bouquet a body of Cherokee
Indians for the campaign against Fort Duquesne. These Indians disappeared,
however, before the march began. Gist was with Forbes at the camp on September
3, 1758, but it is not likely that he accompanied the expedition. On November
25 Nathaniel Gist marched with General Forbes into the ruins of Fort Duquesne,
and he may have been with Major Lewis at Grant's disastrous defeat a short time
before. It is certain (96) that Ensign Thomas Gist took part in this memorable
battle on Grant's Hill.
comment:
Thomas was another of Christopher's brothers. Our Gist family were well
represented in the French and Indian War.
Thomas was
wounded and taken prisoner by the Indians and was carried into Canada. After a
year of hardship, he escaped, made his way back to Virginia and rejoined his
regiment. In a letter of December 31, 1758, to Washington from Captain Robert
Stewart, written while the latter was on duty at Fort Loudoun, the following is
related : Last night Lieut Gist, Sergeant Ostin (who Mr. Gist got from the
Indians) and three men on Furlough with Liberty to stay at this place only 3
days arriv'd here in 7 days from Pittsburg where Fort Barracks, & Store
Houses were erected, three Months Provisions laid in and three Months more on
the Road —this Fort is 120 feet in the interior Square with four Bastions in
each of which they have got a small Mortar Mounted — the Barracks Form the
Curtains and the Bastions are Stockaded —the Duty there is hard and our Men
suffer vastly for want of Clothes —The Indians informs our people that 150 of
the French went down the River with the Cannon and 350 more (the remainder of
the Garrison) went up to Venango where they now are and from whence (the
Indians add) a Body of Troops will pay our Garrison a visit whenever the River
is open.
SOME LETTERS TO AND FROM GEORGE
WASHINGTON CONCERNING THE CATAWBA
In
searching for the Catawba during the French and Indian war, 1754-1763, I have
found some information online in the George Washington Papers. Although this
was NOT material I thought I'd be able to find, it is important, and I feel I
should share it, as well. I ran into a couple of things I wasn't expecting. A
couple of times a particular Catawba warrior might have been mentioned by name,
as were the Saponi and the Tuscarora. This had nothing to do with discovering
the origin of the small pox epidemic that ravaged the Catawba, but it is of great
interest. I have saved a small space to mention it.
To George Washington from Clement Read, 15 March 1757 from
Clement Read Lunenburg March 15th 1757.
Dear Sir,
About 10 Daies agoe, there came to my House twenty Six
Indians of the Cawtaba Nation, with two War Captains, Capt. French, or the
French Warrior, and Capt. Bullen, who I sent under the Care of Robert Vaughan
to Williamsburg where they desir’d to go before they March’d to you.
About five daies agoe, there came to my House 93 of
the same Nation with their King, Haiglar, after they held a Council, it was
determin’d, that the King, with his Brother and Conjurer, shou’d go to Wmsburg also, and that the others shou’d March directly to you;
Whereupon, as their Numbers were great, the Country thro’ which they were to
pass thinly Inhabited, and as the Frontiersmen might be frightened at such an
Appearance of Painted Indians, I deem’d it necessary to send a White Man along
with them, And as Robert Vaughan was gone with the first 26, and as the Nation
seem’d very fond of him, I thought I might please them in sending his Brother
Abraham Vaughan with these to you, and they seem’d pleas’d that I did.
What I have to desire of you Sir, is, that you wou’d
please to Satisfie Mr. Vaughan according to thee trouble he has taken &
must take, I need not inform you that they are a very troublesome set of
people, and their manner of travelling thro’ the Inhabitants, must give their
Guide a vast deal of trouble & fatigue, And as from this Consideration,
& the Necessity of Keeping up a friendship with them, I have taken these
Steps, in the Absence of his Honour the Governor, which I hope may be approved
of.
As from Information of these Indians, I every day
expect, Capt. Johnny Cawtaba & Mr Abraham Smith a Virginian with 200
Cherokees and some more of the Catawba Nation which I must also send a White
Man with as a Guide I must hope, and take the freedom of recommending to you,
the paying of Mr Abraham Vaughan to his Content, otherwise I have reason to
fear, we shall hereafter get none to go on this Slavish Service;
I need not add, but that I am, Dear Sir, Your unknown,
but most Obedt Hum. Servant,
Clement
Read
P.S. I have given Abraham Vaughan twelve pounds ten
shillings, all the money I have, to assist him in Carrying on to Winchester.
C.R.
The above
mentions “Captain French” aka “The French Warrior” and “Captain Bullen”. Mr.
Read also mentions There came to my house 93 of the same nation with their
king, Haigler. After a council, it was determin'd that the king with his
brother and conjurer, should go to Wmsburg also, and that the others should
march directly to you . . .
To get this
straight, ninety-three Catawba Warriors were to march directly to Col.
Washington's command. There were already 26 Catawba present. That makes 119
total. There is also mention that Haigler has a brother whom they call a
“conjurer”.
To George Washington
from William Fairfax, 22 March 1757
Dear Sir,
I rec’d your Favor from Philadelphia dated the 2d
inst. since which finding the Governor likely to stay there longer than at
first expected and many Matters of Government requisite which could not be done
without Me. I set off from Belvoir and arrived here the 17th The next Day I was
duly qualified in Council as President & Commander in Chief, which has
given Me an Opportunity of seeing and treating with Numbers of the Cherokees
& Catawba Indians, 2 discoursing with Major A. Lewis & Lieut. Williams
on their Affairs. I hope They will soon be under your Command as They appear to
be of a warlike Temper and Disposition, fit & willing to encounter any
Difficult Attack. I shall be glad to know your Success with Ft Loudoun and his
Commands to You in the
ensuing Campaign—Tho You may hear of the
Genl Assembly’s being prorogu’d to the last Thursday in next Month, yet as
several Things as well for your Regiment as the public Weal of the Colony are
wanted to be Examined, Settled and adjusted, We expect the Governor will Soon
after his Arrival call & appoint a much earlier Meeting—when We shall be
glad to See You and give Testimony of our hearty Affection.
As the Cherokees and Catawba Indians appear to Us well
attacht to our Interest We are desirous of preserving Them, therefore endeavor
to please & satisfy them. We have furnished them with what could be got
here: what is yet wanted and you can procure Please to accommodate them and
Send or bring the Account thereof.
Pray remember Me kindly to yr Officers and the brave
Men of yr Regiment, and continue to believe that I am with all affecte Regards
Dr
Sir
Yr assurd & loving Friend &ca W. Fairfax
P.S. I referr to Majr Lewis for particulars.
comment:
The morale of both the Cherokee and Catawba warriors appears to be high. It was
written after the previous letter and before the next one. (97) The next letter
also mentions these same Catawba warriors. From George Washington to Robert
Dinwiddie, 2 April 1757
to Governor Dinwiddie; Alexandria,
2 April] 1757.
Honble Sir,
A letter which I received from Capt. Mercer, upon my
return to Alexandria, informs me, that 95 Cutawba’s, beside 25 that are gone to
Williamsburg, are now in Winchester, waiting orders how to conduct themselves —
That, according to custom they are in want of matchcoats, shirts, leggings, and
all other necessaries. I shou’d be glad to receive your Honors particular
directions with respect to providing them with those things, and in what manner
they are to be employed: as I understand they intend to accompany (in a body)
any Troops of ours that may march towards Du Quisne: Or, if no Expedition of
that kind is intended, then to go out in small scalping parties against the
Enemy.
As your Honor gave me no particular directions
concerning withdrawing the Troops from Fort Cumberland, or how they are to be
employed & posted when relieved by the Marylanders; I shou’d be glad of
orders now also, whether I am to bring off all the Virginia Stores (Provisions
excepted) at the same time that the Indian Goods are removed.
If your Honor does not choose to give particular
directions concerning the disposition of the Troops, but leave it to me; I
shall endeavor to post them in the most advantageous manner I can, until I have
the pleasure of seeing you; when this and many other affairs may be fully
settled. And I hope you will not think it advisable to order any part of our
small Regiment to march for Carolina, ’till the Assembly meet and come to some
determination about raising more, as the consequences might be bad.
Notwithstanding I know it was determined that only
Forts shou’d be retained and that these were fixed on; I shall not evacuate the
others without orders as I know it wou’d be attended with very ill effects. Nor
do I think it advisable that they should be dismantled just at this time.
However, in this as in all other points I only wait your Honors determinations,
to carry them into execution.
I set out immediately for Fort Loudoun, and from
thence to Fort Cumberland, if time will admit of it. I have ordered this
Express to proceed as soon as he receives your Honors Dispatches to the former.
Governor Sharpe did not incline to give Captain Dagworthy orders to march to
Fort Cumberland, until you shall have given particular Orders about withdrawing
our Garrison. Therefore the sooner I receive them the better. I shall be down
by the 28th if possible,
& remain Your Honors, &c.
GW (98)
My comment:
First, notice Captain Dagworthy, mentioned above. An Indian town called
“Blackfoot Town” had existed on the Maryland/Delaware border. Blackfoot Town
was said to have been named after some Indians who came down from New Jersey
who were probably Delaware or Nanticoke. It was later named “Dagsboro” in honor
of him.
Please
notice the Catawba are still divided into 2 parties, one group of 25 in
Williamsburg and the other of 95. Earlier in mid-March they were divided into 2
groups, one of 26 and the other 93. So now there are 120 whereas before there
were 119 Catawba 18 days earlier. It appears that more Catawba participated in
the French and Indian War than I'd suspected. Also note the government WANTS
THEM to go out in small scalping parties.
There is a
letter dated the 24th of April, 1757, from Captain George Mercer detailing the
Cherokees being upset because they didn't receive the benefits they were told
they'd receive. Mercer is worried the same will happen with the Catawbas. An
excerpt from his letter reads:
“From all this you see how necessary ’tis to have a
proper Present immediately laid in for them. We may soon expect the Catawbas in
too, who have an absolute promise of a present from me on their Return. If
these Indians go home dissatisfied, we lose the Interest of the whole Nation.”
On the 5th
of June, 1758, Governor Dinwiddie stepped down, and Francis Fauquier became
Colonial Governor of Virginia. Attitudes towards the American Indians change at
this time like the blink of an eye.. Dinwiddie would have listened and adjusted
his behavior accordingly. Fauquier will not.
Change in Indian policy
We see a
change in policy towards the Indians with a change in governors of Virginia.
Dinwiddie knew he had to pay the Indians for their support. Those payments were
not in money, but in rifles and ammunition, in clothing, cooking utensils,
beads, et cetera, things they could not make or produce themselves. They were
not paid as they expected. As a result, the Indians decide to leave. Perhaps
this change in policy would have occurred even if Dinwiddie had remained in
office. The Cherokee in the Spring of 1757 also were not given the same “gifts”
they expected, either, and Dinwiddie was still governor at that time. Whatever
the case, the English saw the Catawba's that returned home differently.
The
following is from a letter written July 4, 1758 by A. Boromsworth to George
Washington.
“I desire you'll be so good as forward the enclosed to
Captn Gist that he may not be imposed upon by a scalp which Captn Johnny
pretends to have taken with his Catawbas. Colo. Bouquet is well convinced of
the deceit & desires you will take Care Gist’s letter getts to Winchester
before Johnny can. The circumstances are so strong against him that they admit
of no manner of doubt, therefore think he has been sufficiently rewarded for
the Service he has done us & deserves not the least Countenance for such a
scandalous attempt. I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you soon & am Dr
Sr With perfect regard Your most Obedient Humble Servant,
A. Bosomworth
my Complts to Colo. Byrd &ca. Please to Seal Gists
letter
Captain
Johnny of the Catawba brought a small party of Catawba to Virginia for a time
in the fall of 1756, and he also probably came with the party of Catawba who
were in Williamsburg and Winchester in March–May 1757. He was certainly back in
Winchester by May 1758, and on 1 June Captain Johnny and twenty-five Catawba
marched with Adam Stephen and his troops from Winchester to Fort Loudoun in
Pennsylvania. On 28 June Bouquet wrote Forbes: “This morning I sent off Captain Johnny and his Catawbas to the Ohio,
and gave them Lieut. [Colby] Chew of the Virginians, a very alert young man,
with two other men. They have orders to try and take a prisoner, and to
reconnoiter the enemy’s forces” (Stevens, Bouquet Papers description begins
Donald H. Kent et al., eds. The Papers of Henry Bouquet. 6 vols. Harrisburg,
Pa., 1951-94. description ends, 2:142–44). Presumably Captain Johnny returned
from his mission with the suspect scalp. Bouquet wrote Forbes on 11 July that “the Catawbas have left us like scoundrels,
after bringing us one scalp, which was recognized by the Cherokees as an old
scalp which they themselves gave them in the spring”
The Next Letter
There is a
second letter concerning this account;
From George
Washington to Francis Fauquier, 10 July 1758
To Francis
Fauquier
. . .
. . . A
Letter from Colo. Bouquet of the 6th which I have just received contains this
Paragraph.
“The Cuttawba's under the Command of Captn Johnney are
gone to Winchester; they have behav’d in the most shameful manner, and run away
as a parcel of thieves rather than Warriors without seeing me; they have never
killed a deer, and there is the strongest suspicions that the Scalp they
pretend to have taken, was an old one.
“I think it would be very necessary to send a message
to their Nation to complain of their Conduct, and know at once if they are
Friends or Enemies. if you approve of it, I should be obliged to you to propose
the thing to the Governor of Virginia: I write to General Forbes on the
subject.” (99)
Washington
writes back to Bouquet:
I am sorry to hear that the Cuttawbas have so egregiously
misbehavd themselves—when I write to the Govr of Virginia which I expect may be
in a few days I shall touch on this Subject. I am Sir Yr most Obedt Hble Servt
Go: Washington (100)
Here is an
excerpt of that letter Washington promised to the governor
A Letter
from Colo. Bouquet of the 6th which I have just received Contains this
Paragraph.
“The Cuttawbas under the Command of Captn Johnney are
gone to Winchester; they have behav’d in the most shameful manner, and run away
as a parcel of thieves rather than Warriors without seeing me; they have never
killed a deer, and there is the strongest suspicions that the Scalp they
pretend to have taken, was an old one.
“I think it would be very necessary to send a message
to their Nation to complain of their Conduct, and know at once if they are
Friends or Enemies. if you approve of it, I should be obliged to you to propose
the thing to the Governor of Virginia: I write to General Forbes on the
subject.” (101)
The new
Virginia Governor Fauquier wrote back to Washington the following about the
Catawba, and he is talking about Indians in general --
“In Relation to Coll Bouquet's paragraph about the
Catawba’s I am not much surprised for I have never entertain’d any high opinion
of the friendship of any Indians, nor form’d any great expectations from their
service. As for sending any messenger to them as he proposes I apprehend it
will be too late to undertake any Thing of that sort for the benefit of this
campaign, and according to their behavior in it, we shall be better able to
know what to say to them at the end of it. All that is now to be done seems to
me to be this, to keep those in good humour who still remain with you, lest
They should do mischief to the inhabitants in their Return home (as some have
done) if they leave you in an ill humour. But as you have already wrote to
General Forbes on this subject. I shall readily acquiesce in any measure you
shall agree to be proper.”
(102)
comment: It
is obvious the new English Governor has no respect for the American Indians. As
we shall later determine, Bouquet also has no respect for the American Indians.
The difference in cultural expectations and norms was too wide a gap for them
to be able to bridge. In reading about Christopher Gist, he kept saying the
Governor's office didn't respect him or his efforts. One can see this in their
letters back and forth. Also notice the opinion of Colonel Bouquet and Gov.
Fauquier concerning the Indians. As we shall see, Bouquet was of the same
opinion concerning the Indians as General Amherst. They both wanted to give the
Indians blankets that were full of the Small Pox contagion.
A
pro-British alliance had previously been taking shape in southern Appalachia
that would lead more Cherokees to take part in the war. Although some Overhill’s
did go north earlier in 1757, many remained skeptical of British promises and
believed they should stay home to hunt.
In late
August, 1757 in Chota, Overhill Cherokee capital, there was a council taking
place. Recall a few paragraphs back where in July 25th, 1757 Christopher Gist
was named Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Southern Divison. In September 1757
Christopher Gist went himself to discuss with the Southern Indians, sending
more warriors to protect Virginia farmers and settlers on the frontier, from
the French and their Indian allies. Three Catawbas were invited to talk with
the Cherokee.
A direct
quote from a portion of their words says, “During
their Green Corn Ceremony [the Cherokee] heard three invited Catawba give a
powerful war talk against the French. “The Creeks, Chickasaws, Cherokees,
Catawbas, Tuskeroras, Notowagas, the Sapony’s & the Six Nations,” the
Catawba dignitaries recited, “we are all Brothers together & joined
together against the French and the Indians.” (103) It is rare to see the
Saponi mentioned at all in the 1750s and 1760s. They were considered
practically extinct by then.
So in 1757
in a letter to South Carolina Governor William Lyttleton, there was a mention
of the Saponi's participating in the French and Indian War, as well as
Tuscarora and Notowego's.
There is
one estimate that says the Catawba might have contributed between three hundred
and four hundred warriors to the English war effort. I think that was probably
a high estimate, but yet, it is there. (104)
I found a
reference saying Christopher Gist died July 27th, 1759, while on the road
between Williamsburg and Winchester, Virginia. There is another reference
saying he died on the 25th. It said there were 62 Catawba with him (105), but
another account says in April, 1758 there were 57 Catawba's amongst the
Southern Indian contingent (106). We have other accounts of 25 and 95. They
obviously sent different parties of warriors at different times. By the 1756
treaty agreement they agreed to send 40, but they sent far more than that
amount. I suspect they rotated warriors like our military does today. I suspect
some of the young men stayed home hunting, and drying meat while another group
was in the field for a spell, then they would rotate, much like our military
does today.
THE CHICKASAW
If
you will look at the 1750 map, you’ll see the Chickasaw shown as living with
the Catawba. If you read the above, the three Catawba who speak before the
Cherokee council in Chota mention the Chickasaw as participating in the war
against the French. Near the end of this book the Catawba who were to come to
Oklahoma had a preference for living among the Chickasaw. I have been looking
for a reference for a long time, and now that I was just about ready to submit
this manuscript, I have found it.
CATAWBA'S, TUSKERORA'S, NOTOWAGA'S,
AND SAPONY'S
A short
month after Colonel Bouquet and Gov. Fauquier have written Washington back and
forth degrading the Catawba Indian Warriors, we have Washington lamenting the
deaths of two Catawba warriors. We have Washington's writings in the following
letter (107):
From George
Washington to Henry Bouquet; Camp at Fort Cumberland 24 August 1758;
“I
had the pleasure likewise of receiving yours of the 23d the Generals happy
recovery affords me vast Satisfaction, and am glad the New Road turns out so
much to your Liking.
“The Convoy from Winchester arrived here yesterday in
the Evening—they set out with 468 Beeves, 9 were killed on the Road and 411
were delivered at this place, the rest were lost on the Road; but as the
Officer sent immediately back after them we are in hopes the greatest part of
them will be found.
“As only 26000 lb. of Flour came up (which is not
quite a Month’s Provision’s for the Troops here) I have according to your
orders detained it, likewise 90 Beeves, the rest set out early to Morrow
Morning as does all the Forage except 60 Bushels of Corn.
“When the Convoy got within 6 Miles of this place 3
Cuttawba Men & 2 Squaws contrary to the Advice of the Officers, set on
before the Convoy for this Garrison, and soon after were fired upon by about 10
or 12 of the Enemy who Killd Captn Bullen and Captn French, & wounded one
of the Squaws. The loss we sustain by the death of these two Indian Warriors is
at this Juncture very considerable as they were very remarkable for their
bravery, and attachment to Our Interest—particularly poor Bullen, whom (and the
other) we buried with Military Honours. The rest of the Cuttawbas, & what
Nottoway’s and Tuscarora’s that are here sets out to Morrow with the Wagon’s
for Rays Town.
As we had Intelligence of several Parties of the Enemy
being about I detach’d Parties different way’s in hopes of coming up, or
cutting off the Retreat of some of them but without any effect—at same time I
reinforced the Convoy with 50 Men.
There are several Wagon’s which came up here with the
Flour, that I am at a loss what to do with. Sergeant Scot (mentioned in a late
Letter) this day returned. He, when within 2 Miles of Fort Duquesne came upon a
few fresh Tracts making Inwards which he followed, apprehending that they were
just at hand, till his Provisions were expended; and was thereby obliged to
return without making any discoveries worth mentioning—I am glad Mr Chew &
Mr Allan has been able to give you Accts so agreeable.
Captn Woodward of the first Regiment 3 Subs. & 75
Rank & File Marches tomorrow with 12 day’s Provision’s to waylay the Road
in the same manner as Captn McKenzie did.
Enclosed are exact Returns of Our Strength here. I am
Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt
Go:
Washington (108)
comment
one:
There are a
couple of interesting things here. First, notice it says “The rest of the
Cuttawba's & what Nottoways and Tuscarora's that are here sets out tomorrow
with the wagons for Ray's Town.” The “Notowaga's” presence is confirmed, as
they are now mentioned twice. The same is true with the Tuscarora's. Only the
Saponi's are mentioned once. They were mentioned only by the Catawba's
themselves. I suspect the Colonists didn't mention them separately, because after
they left Fort Christanna before 1730, it was determined they had joined the
Catawba, and their old reservation at Fort Christanna was given to others. They
probably travelled with the Catawba and were considered a part of the Catawba
contingent.
Comment
two:
You can't
help but notice the two Catawba who were killed. Washington spoke highly of
them, saying 3 Catawba men and two women went ahead of the rest, and they were
fired on by 10 or 12 of the enemy, killing Captains Bullen and French, and
wounding a female. Only a month earlier the English were complaining about the
Catawba leaving the battlefield. The new governor and Col Bouquet were writing
back and forth about the Indians not being of much value. But see what George
Washington says about them. He says,
“When the Convoy got within 6 Miles of this place 3 Cuttawba Men & 2 Squaws
contrary to the Advice of the Officers, set on before the Convoy for this
Garrison, and soon after were fired upon by about 10 or 12 of the Enemy who
killed Captn Bullen and Captn French, & wounded one of the women.
Washington says the loss we sustain by the death of these two Indian Warriors
is at this Juncture very considerable as they were very remarkable for their
bravery, and attachment to Our Interest—particularly poor Bullen, whom (and the
other) we buried with Military Honours.” He wrote this letter to Col.
Bouquet, who was one of the men insulting the Catawban warriors. After hearing
all that, Washington defends the Catawba and speaks of their bravery only a
month later.
Washington
had great respect for the two Catawba warriors. He said they were “very remarkable for their bravery.”
This doesn't sound like “scoundrels”
Bouquet called them. Washington sounds more like a REAL military commander than
the others.
There is
one more twist to this story. William Byrd wrote Forbes on this day: “Some Indians that escaped affirm they were
Cherokees that did the Mischief; & ’tis probable they were, as they left a
Knife & a Spear in Bullen’s Body that Captain Gist gave them, which he knew
again” (Scottish Record Office: Dalhousie Muniments). (109) One report says
they were “fired upon” by 10 or 12 of the enemy. But a second report, from the
surviving Catawba (one male warrior and two females) said they were fired upon
by the Cherokee, who were supposed to be their allies. Christopher Gist said
the knife and spear he had previously given the Cherokee were found in Bullen's
body. The author of this article adds to this conjecture, “tis probably they were.” It was the Cherokee who told the English
officers that Captain Johnny was pretending an old scalp was a new one, and
that he was behaving dishonorably. There is more to this story than we will
ever discover.
The Indian Service
JULY 25,
1757: Christopher GIST, Esq., was appointed by Edmund ATKIN, Superintendent of
Indian Affairs in the Southern Department, as his deputy in the colony of Virginia.
Gist’s duties were to be "upon the
Spot, not only to confer with (the Indians) from time to time, but to direct
them, their Conductors or Leaders, Interpreters, or others having any concern
with them. ... to Subsist and distribute Presents to them," and to
fill any vacancies that might occur among his hirelings. His first duty was to
settle the Indian accounts; debts which had been incurred by WASHINGTON and
other officers in the VA Regiment.
Sep 1757:
Edmund ATKIN and Christopher GIST left Winchester with an interpreter to
contact the Indians in the south and urge them to join the Virginia Regiment in
scouting parties to help protect the western settlements against the French. A
year passes.
Some of the
officers of the Virginias Regiment wrote letters to Washington expressing their
regret at the resignation of his command. He had resigned after the victorious
third, and last, attempt to take Fort Duquesne, at the end of 1758.
Washington
had hoped to receive a commission in the English Army because of his valuable
contributions to the war effort. When this did not happen, he resigned his
Colonial Commission from the state of Virginia. After reading some of
Washington's letters I found online, I suspect he also didn't like the tone of
the new governor of Virginia. He and Gist had worked together, long and hard to
get the support of the Southern Indians, and the new governor and many of the
principle officers just blew that off as a waste of time. They didn't like the
Indians, and really didn't care if they helped or not.
As late as
September 16, 1759, Colonel George Mercer, then at Winchester, speaks of
[Christopher Gist]. A little later we hear of him for the last time. After
Washington stepped down, he still received mail from his former military
companions. Captain Robert Stewart, serving at Fort Pitt, after describing to
Washington in a letter of September 29, 1759, the beauties of the newly
captured country, inquired, "what
Steps have been taken in securing to us, those Lands which poor Capn Gist was
to have entered for us, I hope the needful is done, they surely will soon be
very valuable." Until this time his name is referred to frequently in
correspondence of the French and Indian War. After this the references cease
and his name cannot anywhere again be found. It is said by different writers
that he died about this time in North Carolina or Virginia of smallpox.
It was said
that John Ridenour made some attempt to locate the place of his burial but
without success. In November, 1762, the "Administrators of... Christopher
Gist, deceased," petitioned the Virginia assembly for six hundred pounds
due Gist for service in Indian affairs. (110)
Christopher
Gist was assigned to work with the Indian Service, and aided in seeing to it
that the Cherokee and Catawba were well supplied and provisioned. In this
letter from Capt. Stewart to Col. Washington, he mentions “poor” Capt. Gist, as
though he has died, dated September 29th, 1759. So we believe he died before
the end of September, 1759.
Before this
date, Edmund ATKIN left the colony and gave GIST a number of instructions and
ordered him to keep him informed of the VA situation. He instructed GIST to
establish two stations in the VA frontier, one at Winchester, where he was to
be stationed, and the other at the head of the Roanoke River.
Vance's
note: If you look at the city of Roanoke on a map of Virginia, the Roanoke
River flows right through it. There is a town called “Catawba” maybe 10 miles
to the northwest. The Indian scouting parties, raised among the Cherokees and
Catawbas, were to assemble at these stations, be fitted for war, and after
their period of service was over, to be given presents promised by ATKIN and
his agents in the south who had hired them.
This
article continues with Indians arriving in Winchester in Northern Virginia for
the fall 1758 campaign. Gist knows the Cherokee were promised certain things
which the English ignored, and therefore the Cherokee plunder neighboring farms
and return home. It does go on to say “Forbes
had only a few Cherokees and a few Catawba's . . .” for his 1758 campaign
to retake Fort Duquesne.
Now We Come to Captain Gist's Death
1759:
During the early part of the year, GIST was busy sending Indian scouting
parties out to guard the VA frontier. The French continued to send raiding
parties of Indians against the English settlements, where they killed and took
many Englishmen and women as prisoners. Gist was successful in buying back some
of the prisoners.
We hear
that in 1759, on 25 Jul: At the time of his death from smallpox, he was
conducting 62 hand-picked Catawba warriors to Winchester to help guard the
western frontier of VA. He died intestate.
1759, 2
Aug: Col. George MERCER met the Catawba warriors near Winchester and urged them
to go on and join the VA troops, but they said their Father Capt. Gist was dead
and it was better for them to go home. (111). So we know he died between July
25th and August 2nd, 1759.
1762, Nov:
The administrators of the estate of Christopher Gist petitioned the Virginia
Assembly for L600 (pounds) due Gist for services in Indian affairs.
Comment: It
was the duty of the Catawba and Cherokee to discover information about the
movements of the French and Indians on the Virginia frontier, and prevent them
from attacking the farms and towns found there. In other words, they were to
work stealthily. Had they killed any of the Frenchmen and their Indian allies
it would have given their position away. When the English were complaining
about the Catawba, this would have explained it.
Captain
Christopher Gist died of small-pox while conducting sixty-two Catawba Warriors
to Winchester in 1759. Another reference said they were going from
Williamsburg, Va. to Winchester. The next entrance says Col. George Mercer (who
was Capt. Gist's commanding officer) met with these Catawba to convince them to
remain. Their response is recorded as “Our
Father, Capt. Gist, had died and that it was best for them to return home.”
We see that
the young Catawba Warriors called him “Father.” Much is written about the
Gist's relationship with the Cherokee, but their relationship with the Catawba
is seldom mentioned. The term “Father” is a term of friendship, respect and
honor, and should not be taken lightly.
Christopher
Gist had died of Small Pox. The Catawba had seen small pox many times before.
In 1738 a small pox epidemic wiped out half of the Catawba Nation. The young
men of the Catawba Nation might not remember much about the 1738 epidemic, but their
elders did. They wanted to get away from there as fast as they could. It did
not help. It is said that in 1759-1760 that half of the Catawba Nation again
had died of Small Pox. King Haigler had worked so hard to rebuilt his nation
and people. All his attempts to rebuild the nation from the brink of extinction
was wiped out in a single small pox epidemic.
We have
another comment about the Catawba leaving the battlefield for home after
Christopher Gist's death -- Gregg mentions it in “History of the Old Cheraws.”
He says;
"In the South Carolina Gazette of June 2nd, 1759,
this account was given; On Tuesday last, 45 Charraws, part of a Nation of
Indians incorporated with the Catawbas, arrived in town, headed by King Johnny,
brought him the scalp of a French Indian . . . taken . . . during the whole
expedition against Fort DuQuesne . . ." (111) This is in reference to the French and Indian
War. This is the same scalp they were arguing over earlier. The first account
says the Catawba left with 62 warriors, and this says 45 returned. That
accounts for all but seventeen Indians who left at the time of Gist's death.
They either returned to the Catawba, the Saponi, to the front lines, or some to
each location. Captain Johnny seems to have been a well-respected warrior, as
he was mentioned for several years. Was he the last Cheraw Chief?
Two Treaties
Treaty of Pine Tree Hill 1760
At the time
of first contact between the Catawba and Associated Bands and the Europeans in
1521, the Catawba and Associated bands claimed a land base of 55,000 square
miles. That’s about 234.5 miles by 234.5 miles. After the 1570s, the Spanish
interest in their nation waned. It is largely thought that Smallpox Epidemics
during the Spanish years had ravaged the nation on numerous occasions. The
Spanish made a few attempts at establishing a colony on the Carolina coast, and
a few slave raiding expeditions came north from Spanish Florida and the
Caribbean. After Father Montero left in the 1570's, little effort was made to
convert the Indians to the Christian faith.
There was a
forty-year hiatus before a renewed contact with Europeans, not until about
1607, and the arrival of the English, was contact renewed on a grand scale.
There was another 60 or so years until the English colonized South Carolina.
Every emigrant who landed at Charleston, South Carolina, took a parcel of
Catawba land. There were many thousands of settlers, some of whom took hundreds
of acres of land. Now by 1760, most Catawba lands were gone, and few Catawba
remained, scattered in pockets, with the ancient capital Cofitachique at a
place now called Camden, South Carolina, which was still their capital,
although by 1760 it was called “Pine Tree Hill”. With the nation but a fragment
of its former glory, King Haigler realized a need for a new treaty in the hopes
that it would prevent more settlers from claiming his nation's remaining land
base.
The Catawba
agreed to abandon Pine Tree Hill and move north to the Waxhaw Old Fields, near
present day Lancaster, South Carolina. The text of the treaty has been lost
(some say conveniently). By the terms of the treaty, the Catawba lost their
lands in Virginia and much of both Carolinas. King Haigler did keep two million
acres of land however, for the Catawba. That’s about 55 miles by 55 miles.
Blumer's
only description of the lands the Catawba kept say “They kept control of two million acres centered in a circle around the
Waxhaw Old Fields.” Blumer goes on to say “Thinking the Indian way, he kept Catawba hunting rights to all of
South Carolina.” (113)
Although
the treaty no longer exists. Somewhere there must be a record of what it
included, as Dr. Blumer continues to describe what was in the treaty. He says
that South Carolina Governor Bull agreed to prevent White settlers from moving
to within thirty miles of any Catawba settlement, and to remove those who
trespassed within those limits.
The Catawba
immediately moved to the region provided for them, around the Waxhaw Old
Fields. Blumer says it’s thought both North Carolina and Virginia went
unmentioned in the treaty, however much of the land ceded by the Catawba was in
their realms. Both states immediately seized the lands permitting settlers
access to it. Since the Saponi were Catawban, perhaps this is when the
Virginians finally closed the door to some of its earliest inhabitants, the
Saponi.
In reality,
North Carolina settlers had already moved onto some of the lands reserved to
the Catawba and Associated Bands, and since the treaty wasn't signed by North
Carolina's Governor Dobbs, he didn't feel compelled to obey it, either. South
Carolina had promised to build a fort to protect the Indians, but didn't do so
for many years. When Catawba hunters fanned out about South Carolina for fur
trading and hunting, mobs of Whites attacked them and stole their furs. So much
for hunting rights. On August 30, 1763, King Haggler was traveling from his
town to visit the Waxhaws. The story goes that he was attacked by seven
Shawnee, shot six times, and scalped. This crime occurred only months before
King Haigler was to attend a Treaty signing at Augusta, Georgia. His death was
convenient for both Carolinas. Also the terms of the Pine Tree Hill Treaty were
conveniently lost. Colonel Ayers, inexperienced, represented the Catawba in
Augusta. Instead of keeping two million acres, the Catawba lands dwindled down
to 15 square miles. That’s less than 4
miles by four. With King Haigler's murder in 1763, the whole treaty came under
question. (p. 38, Treasures in History) Apparently the Catawba lost most of the
two million acres they were supposed to receive. In 1979 an attempt was made to
find a copy of the treaty, unsuccessfully.
Blumer
states, “As it stands, what little we
know of the treaty is learned from secondary sources” (114).
Map 15. Two Treaties; Pine Tre Hill
1760, Augusta 1763
The
circular dashed line on the NC/SC border is an approximation of the two million
acre region that King Haiglar negotiated in the 1760 Pine Tree Hill treaty that
has been lost. The diamond shaped region inside the circle labeled
"CN" (for Catawba Nation) is the fifteen square mile region
renegotiated in 1763.
Augusta Treaty, 1763
Please know
in 1759 a Small Pox epidemic killed off about half of the Catawba Nation. It
was the year after this great loss that King Haigler signed the Pine Tree Hill
Treaty. During those years they had also aligned themselves with the English
during the French and Indian War. Per Blumer, they were nervously watching
settlers move closer and closer. Just 3 years after the Pine Tree Hill Treaty,
the Catawba were back at the negotiating table, ready to sign the Augusta
Treaty of 1763. All the Southern Indians were to participate in the treaty
negotiating.
In July of that
year, 1763, the King of England issued a proclamation to the colonies that only
the British Crown could purchase Indian lands.
The Catawba
arrived in Savannah on October13, 1763 with a delegation of 60 men, women and
children. By the end of October, the Chickasaw, Creek, Choctaw, and lastly
Cherokee arrived around Savannah. King Haigler had just died 2 months earlier,
and their contingent was headed by Colonel Ayers. In three years the Catawba
had signed 2 treaties, one in which their land base went from 55,000 square
miles down to 2,000,000 acres, which is just under 55 square miles. and the
second in which they could claim only 15 square miles, or 144,000 acres. It is
easy to blame Col. Ayers, but he was not as experienced as King Haigler, and he
had no real choice. I suspect he did his best, and the English probably used
his lack of experience against him. Had Haigler lived, perhaps they might have gotten
a better deal.
Blumer
quotes part of the treaty transcripts: “The Catawba's are all of one mind . . .
His land was all spoiled. He had lost a great deal both by scarcity of Buffalo
and Deer. They have spoiled him 100 miles every way and never paid him. His
hunting lands formerly extended to the Pedee River, but is driven right back to
the Catawba Nation. If he could kill any deer he would carry the meat to his
family and the skins to the White People . . .”
Little of the treaty actually
concerns the Catawba:
i.] We, the Catawba headmen and warriors . . . declare
that we will remain satisfied with the tract of land fifteen miles square. ii.]
The Catawbas shall not in any respect be molested by any of the King's
subjects. iii.] Their lands are to be surveyed and iv.] they are allowed to
hunt off tribal lands.
Resources:
83. “History of the Old Cheraws . .
. Extending from about 1730 to 1810”; Alexander Gregg; This is an exact replica
of a book published in 1905; Book Renaissance; www.ren-books.com; The State Company 1905;
Columbia, South Carolina.
84. Ditto
85. “The Catawba Nation, Treasures
in History”; Thomas J. Blumer; The History Press; Charleston, SC; www.
Histprypress.net; © 2007 Thomas J. Blumer
86. Ditto
87. “The
Catawba Indians, People of the River”; Douglas Summers Brown; © 1966 and
publication by University of South Carolina Press
95. Hamilton, Letters to
Washington, 1-.270, 272, 301; Washington, Writings, 1:372 (Ford edition). 47
Dinwiddie, Official Records, 2:622; Washington, Writings, 1:442, note 1 (Ford
edition). 48 George Washington, Writings, 2:236 (edited by Jared Sparks —
Boston, 1834). LAWRENCE A. ORRILL Aug.
96. Virginia House of Burgesses,
Journals, 1761-65, p. 103 (edited by John P. Kennedy —Richmond, 1907); Dinwiddie,
Official Records, 2:671, 707, 708, 713; Hamilton, Letters to Washington, 2:215,
244, 260. 60 William A. Crozier, ed., Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651-17J6, 27
(New York, 1905); Washington, Writings, 2:283 n. (Sparks edition); Hamilton,
Letters to Washington, 2:334. 1932 CHRISTOPHER GIST 215
97. “To George Washington from
William Fairfax, 22 March 1757,” Founders Online, National Archives, last
modified December 28, 2016,
http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-04-02-0065. [Original
source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 4, 9 November
1756 – 24 October 1757, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1984, pp. 118–120.]
98. “From George Washington to
Robert Dinwiddie, 2 April 1757,” Founders Online, National Archives, last
modified December 28, 2016,
http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-04-02-0071. [Original
source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 4, 9 November
1756 – 24 October 1757, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1984, pp. 126–128.]
99. “From George Washington to
Francis Fauquier, 10 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last
modified December 28, 2016,
http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-05-02-0215. [Original
source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October
1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1988, pp. 275–276.] Bouquet’s letter has not been found, but see GW
to Bouquet, 7 July, n.7. For Bouquet’s report on 11 July to Forbes on the
actions of the party of Catawba, see Abraham Bosomworth to GW, 4 July, n.1.
100. From George Washington to
Henry Bouquet, 7 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified
December 28, 2016, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-05-02-0208.
[Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5
October 1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University
Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 267–269.]
101. “From George Washington to
Francis Fauquier, 10 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last
modified December 28, 2016,
http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-05-02-0215. [Original
source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October
1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1988, pp. 275–276.]
102. “To George Washington from
Francis Fauquier, 20 July 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last
modified December 28, 2016,
http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-05-02-0248. [Original
source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October
1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1988, p. 303.]
103. Paul Demere to William Henry
Lyttelton, Oct. 11, 1757, Lyttelton Papers
104.
http://www.appalachiancherokeenation.net/images/The_British_and_Indian_War_Cherokee_Power_and_the_Fate_of_Empire.pdf
; With three hundred to four hundred warriors, the Catawbas played less of a
role in influencing the outcome of events in the Ohio Valley. For an analysis
of eighteenth-century estimates of Native population numbers, see Peter H.
Wood, “The Changing Population of the Colonial South: An Overview by Race and
Region,
105.
http://image.vtls.com/colonial/virtua-basic.html
Christopher Gist died 7-25-1759 of
smallpox while guiding Catawba warriors to
Winchester to guard the frontier
against the French and other Indians.
106. The British’s April count
included 57 Catawbas as well, bringing the total number of “southern Indians”
to 652; see “A Return of the Southern Indians,” Apr. 21, 1758, Headquarters
Papers of Forbes, reel no. 1, item 132. John Forbes gave his estimate in Forbes
to John Campbell, 4th Earl of Loudoun, June 17, 1758, in Alfred Procter James,
ed., Writings of General John Forbes Relating to his Service in North America
107.
https://founders.archives.gov/?q=Gist%20Catawba&s=1111311111&sa=&r=10&sr=
108. “From George Washington to
Henry Bouquet, 24 August 1758,” Founders Online, National Archives, last
modified December 28, 2016,
http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-05-02-0336. [Original
source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 5, 5 October
1757–3 September 1758, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1988, pp. 416–418.]
109. “To George Washington from
Clement Read, 15 March 1757,” Founders Online, National Archives, last modified
December 28, 2016, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-04-02-0064.
[Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 4, 9
November 1756 – 24 October 1757, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University
Press of Virginia, 1984, pp. 117–118.]
110. Virginia House of Burgesses,
Journals, 1761- 65, l>- 136.
111. http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=adgedge&id=I7016
113. The Catawba Nation, Treasures
in History; Thomas J. Blumer; The History Press; Charleston, www.historypress,net ; © 2007 Thomas J. Blumer
114. Ditto
Maps:
Map 13.
Map showing the location of the Catawba’s and some Associated Bands who lived
nearby in 1750; found in “The Catawba Indians, the People of the River”;
Douglas Summers Brown
Map. 14.
“Cuttahbaw Nation: Men Fit for Warr . . .
1756”; John Evans. Redrawn by Linda Merrell from a microfilm copy in the
South Carolina Department of Archives and History. The original is in the
Scottish Record Office, Edinburgh, Scotland.
Map 15.
Found in “The Catawba Nation, Treasures in History”; Thomas J. Blumer.
Illustration by Thomas J. Blumer.
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